Army Life And Marksmanship

I forget the exact quote, but someone described Civil War army life as mostly boredom with a few short moments of pure terror.

Given all the free time in between battles and campaigns, and given all of the drilling, why was marksmanship not perfected? If either army could master the proper usage of the latest rifles, would this not be an overwhelming advantage in the field?

Did Stanton not want to spend the money on ammunition? Were their lack of qualified marksmanship instructors? No one thought of it? Takes too long to master the skill? Other reasons?

Mike
Individual marksmanship in the black powder era was of questionable value on the American Civil War battlefield where powder smoke, terrain and vegetation often limited the effective range at which a soldier could identify and properly sight a target.

On more than one battlefield (e.g. Wilderness) the opposing forces were almost on top of each other before they even realized it.
 
Accuracy would be an issue. But how many soldiers did not know how to correctly load, shoot, and field clean their rifle?
According to Meade - a lot of soldiers in his army in spring 1864 did not know how to load a musket.
And according to Lee - a lot of his men in summer 1863 did not know how to clean their muskets.
 
Individual marksmanship in the black powder era was of questionable value on the American Civil War battlefield where powder smoke, terrain and vegetation often limited the effective range at which a soldier could identify and properly sight a target.

On more than one battlefield (e.g. Wilderness) the opposing forces were almost on top of each other before they even realized it.
And plenty of battles allowed for long range firing... if the men had been trained so any real standard.
(pickets charge or the the main federal attack at Fredericksburg being obvious examples of fights with good fields of fire at long range... but it was not taken advantage of)
 
Individual marksmanship in the black powder era was of questionable value on the American Civil War battlefield where powder smoke, terrain and vegetation often limited the effective range at which a soldier could identify and properly sight a target.

On more than one battlefield (e.g. Wilderness) the opposing forces were almost on top of each other before they even realized it.
The Confederates gradually tried to avoid those kinds of situations unless they were entrenched and on the defensive. Good fields of fire worked to the advantage of US artillery.
There were some actions in which accuracy beyond 200 yards mattered, but one would have to go through the details to find them.
 
As with any army, any conflict, any epoch - yes, units poorly trained with their assigned weapon(s) tended to suffer for it, until they melted away or were properly trained.

The self-contained paper cartridge had been around for many a decade while those copper cased cartridges were brandy-new, so those faults and liabilities tended to balance each other out in the light of each system's benefits.

The self-contained carbine cartridges had limited range but a higher volume of fire, while the muzzleloading rifles' range and smack-down power were higher.

Make sense now?
Maybe. But the cap might be faulty. The soldier may have jammed the whole paper cartridge in upside down. The ignition tube from the cap to the charge might be fouled. And then would be about 1,000 ways that were unpredictable.
For instance, on some weapons the pin for the percussion cap may have been twisted. I am sure you can think of some other ways the system could be messed up.
 
And plenty of battles allowed for long range firing... if the men had been trained so any real standard.
(pickets charge or the the main federal attack at Fredericksburg being obvious examples of fights with good fields of fire at long range... but it was not taken advantage of)
Why wasn't done? Training was probably not updated from the smoothbore era. People did realize what the rifles could do.
I question whether West Pointers had ever been taught to shoot well enough to know what marksmanship was about. And then there were the volunteer officers that knew almost nothing about military rifles.
The people that had received training in Prussia or England were valuable assets on both sides. They knew what a little training could accomplish.
 
Maybe. But the cap might be faulty. The soldier may have jammed the whole paper cartridge in upside down. The ignition tube from the cap to the charge might be fouled. And then would be about 1,000 ways that were unpredictable.
For instance, on some weapons the pin for the percussion cap may have been twisted. I am sure you can think of some other ways the system could be messed up.

Have you ever fired a muzzle loading rifle?
 
With regards to the marksmanship skill set of the Federal and Confederate Armies, let us deal in fact rather than mythology, legend, or wishful thinking:

On 19 April 1864, two weeks before the Overland Campaign began, Major General Meade directed that the soldiers of the Army of Potomac receive an additional issue of 10 rounds of small arms ammunition. "Corps commanders will see that immediate measures are taken by subordinate officers to carry out the order. Every man should be made to load and fire his musket under the personal supervision of a company officer. It is believed there are men in this army who have been in numerous actions without ever firing their guns, and it is known that muskets taken on the battle-fields have been found filled nearly to the muzzle with cartridges. The commanding general cannot impress too earnestly on all officers and men the necessity of preparing themselves for the contingencies of battle." By then it was not about hitting a target at 200 yards or even hitting a target at 50 yards. It was about ensuring that the men could merely load and fire their weapons correctly 10 times three years into the war. [emphasis added] (O.R., I, V33, 907-8)

The Confederates were also coming to the realization that they had a marksmanship problem. General Joseph E. Johnston was assigned to command the Army of Tennessee on 23 December 1863. On 6 February 1864 Hardee's Corps issued the following general order reflecting Johnston's perception of the training needs of his army:

"By direction of the Genl commanding the Army of Tennessee ten rounds of ammunition per man will be fired at a target observing the following instruction: Each Regiment will construct its own target to be Six feet high and ten feet in length. The firing will be under the immediate Supervision of the Brigade Comdrs, Supervised as far as practicable by the commanding officers of Divisions. The men should be marched to the place selected by companies one at a time, the officers of each company being regulated by the commanding officer of each Regiment or Battalion. One of the Field officers of each regiment should superintend the firing. The men will be allowed to load and fire singly so that each one can See whether or not he hits the target. A correct record will be kept of each shot fired, giving names of men whose shots struck the target. The record accompanied by a diagram of target on which will be indicated by dot the shots that struck will after the firing of Regiment is completed to be forwarded to the chief of ordnance of the Corps for information. The target should not be placed at a greater distance than 160 yards for the musket and at from 200 to 600 for the Rifle. On the right [side of the rear] Sight is a scale on which is marked the distance graduated 200 to 600 yards." [emphasis added] (RG109, C II, V53, 143-4, NARA)

A target six feet high by 10 feet wide at 200 yards ----- what an utter joke. From the order – particularly the direction that the soldiers were to be taught that the rear sights of their weapons had graduations by which they could regulate the impact of their shots at a distance – it is abundantly clear that three years into the war the soldiers of the Army of Tennessee had not been trained how to use their rifle muskets at militarily useful distances. But the men of the Army of Tennessee were both Southeners and westerners. Surely they knew how to shoot. Clearly not in Johnston's opinion. LOL

Is it any wonder that the Europeans, who had extensive marksmanship training programs for their armies, regarded the Americans as armed rabble from whom nothing useful could be learned.

Regards,
Don Dixon
 
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A target six feet high by 10 feet wide at 200 yards ----- what an utter joke. From the order – particularly the direction that the soldiers were to be taught that the rear sights of their weapons had graduations by which they could regulate the impact of their shots at a distance – it is abundantly clear that three years into the war the soldiers of the Army of Tennessee had not been trained how to use their rifle muskets at militarily useful distances. But the men of the Army of Tennessee were both Southeners and westerners. Surely they knew how to shoot. Clearly not in Johnston's opinion. LOL

To be fair 6' by 10' is the approximate size of the front of a column of march. I think that what we see here is a recognition of how far behind the curve the soldiers of the Army of Tennessee were and rather than attempt to graduate them to European level marksmanship then at least teach them how to generate solid area fire.

Thus the thinking appears to be that if they can put rounds in on a column of march then they can certainly hit a column of attack or at least scare a line by having most of the missing rounds pass literally by men's ears.
 
To be fair 6' by 10' is the approximate size of the front of a column of march. I think that what we see here is a recognition of how far behind the curve the soldiers of the Army of Tennessee were and rather than attempt to graduate them to European level marksmanship then at least teach them how to generate solid area fire.

Thus the thinking appears to be that if they can put rounds in on a column of march then they can certainly hit a column of attack or at least scare a line by having most of the missing rounds pass literally by men's ears.
Driving the attackers to cover was often good enough to break up the attack.
 
With regards to the marksmanship skill set of the Federal and Confederate Armies, let us deal in fact rather than mythology, legend, or wishful thinking:

On 19 April 1864, two weeks before the Overland Campaign began, Major General Meade directed that the soldiers of the Army of Potomac receive an additional issue of 10 rounds of small arms ammunition. "Corps commanders will see that immediate measures are taken by subordinate officers to carry out the order. Every man should be made to load and fire his musket under the personal supervision of a company officer. It is believed there are men in this army who have been in numerous actions without ever firing their guns, and it is known that muskets taken on the battle-fields have been found filled nearly to the muzzle with cartridges. The commanding general cannot impress too earnestly on all officers and men the necessity of preparing themselves for the contingencies of battle." By then it was not about hitting a target at 200 yards or even hitting a target at 50 yards. It was about ensuring that the men could merely load and fire their weapons correctly 10 times three years into the war. [emphasis added] (O.R., I, V33, 907-8)

The Confederates were also coming to the realization that they had a marksmanship problem. General Joseph E. Johnston was assigned to command the Army of Tennessee on 23 December 1863. On 6 February 1864 Hardee's Corps issued the following general order reflecting Johnston's perception of the training needs of his army:

"By direction of the Genl commanding the Army of Tennessee ten rounds of ammunition per man will be fired at a target observing the following instruction: Each Regiment will construct its own target to be Six feet high and ten feet in length. The firing will be under the immediate Supervision of the Brigade Comdrs, Supervised as far as practicable by the commanding officers of Divisions. The men should be marched to the place selected by companies one at a time, the officers of each company being regulated by the commanding officer of each Regiment or Battalion. One of the Field officers of each regiment should superintend the firing. The men will be allowed to load and fire singly so that each one can See whether or not he hits the target. A correct record will be kept of each shot fired, giving names of men whose shots struck the target. The record accompanied by a diagram of target on which will be indicated by dot the shots that struck will after the firing of Regiment is completed to be forwarded to the chief of ordnance of the Corps for information. The target should not be placed at a greater distance than 160 yards for the musket and at from 200 to 600 for the Rifle. On the right [side of the rear] Sight is a scale on which is marked the distance graduated 200 to 600 yards." [emphasis added] (RG109, C II, V53, 143-4, NARA)

A target six feet high by 10 feet wide at 200 yards ----- what an utter joke. From the order – particularly the direction that the soldiers were to be taught that the rear sights of their weapons had graduations by which they could regulate the impact of their shots at a distance – it is abundantly clear that three years into the war the soldiers of the Army of Tennessee had not been trained how to use their rifle muskets at militarily useful distances. But the men of the Army of Tennessee were both Southeners and westerners. Surely they knew how to shoot. Clearly not in Johnston's opinion. LOL

Is it any wonder that the Europeans, who had extensive marksmanship training programs for their armies, regarded the Americans as armed rabble from whom nothing useful could be learned.

Regards,
Don Dixon
Which leads to question of how many fake soldiers there were among both belligerents? How many men and a few women, ate army food, drew army pay, and never did any fighting?
 

That's my point.

Reach out to these folks local to you and ask who the guys who do live fire are. If you're nice to them and bring them a donation, they might be inclined to show you how to put real bullets down range. I think you'll find that far more educational than anything I can write.


or

 
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When would you say the tactics evolved to where they were placing distance markers and riflemen were actively adjusting sights (what I saw in Zulu Dawn anyway)? Were they already doing that in professional armies in Europe or was this still a decade or two away?
That is already the case in the 1850s in the British Army and certainly during all years of the American Civil War.

EDIT -- To be very clear, this is even more the case for the British than even what you describe; what you are talking about is how typical armies, i.e. Russian, Norwegian or Austrian fought in the late 1850s through mid-1860s; British trained so that rather than having distance markers, every soldier individually is rifle-trained to the level of judging distances themselves. I have given myself the impression reading this post back to myself, that I have not emphasized that judging distance was as critical to British drill as it is for Union infantrymen to form ranks or to learn drill arms positions.

From the 10th page of the Regulations for Conducting the Musketry of the Army, 1859 Manual used in various minor revisions until 1889 - PART II (Part I is just some general instructor's notes for organization and absences while III ahead of it is dedicated to cleaning and understanding each individual component of the rifle, disassembly, storage etc.):


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This is the first page of any relevance to the common infantryman. The details of the "volley fire" in practice, battle lines etc., the basics of the two drills and so on I describe later in the post if you read it - the focus here is on that 2nd paragraph. This is important - if the Field Exercise & Evolutions, 1859 give me the main imprinted, reiterated idea of maneuvering from close order to extended order, which is a major focus of that manual, then this book, the Regulations for Musketry Instruction, 1859, rifle-training counterpart to it, gives the one, lasting imprint of the idea that nothing - nothing - is as important, nor will make up for, a lack of proficiency in the ability of the infantryman to judge distances and set sights accordingly. That is the single most important skill of the individual infantryman, and is said here way at the start of the manual.
In other words., as of 1859 through 1889, the British were actively doing what is described in the quotation - at a far more sophisticated, autonomous, individual level.

Far contrary to certain posts both on this thread and far too common on others, literally describing European tactics as emphasizing volume of concentrated fire in volleys no different to in the Napoleonic period, i.e.

"I've always been under the impression that the tactics of the day, imported from Europe, placed more emphasis on getting the soldiers to move in unison in large groups rather than on individual marksmanship. Hence, lots of time was spent in drilling, not shooting."

or

"Exactly. Military dogma of that time was based on close order formations that were able to deliver a high, concentrated, volume of volley fire. Individual marksmanship would come into play among sharpshooters in a skirmish line."

Which are in their entirety false,

The manual in its first pages makes clear that any man who cannot shoot is so far as an "incumbrance to the battalion"; the British Army, as you will read further into this post, emphasizes skirmish tactics, open-order and individual marksmanship above all else, and this statement alone deletes the concept that a good or useful soldier can simply shoot quickly or in ranks well - it directly says much the opposite. And you can read on as to why; the British Army does not shoot blankets of volleys in unison and does little in line or close order; what it does is best read about or visualized, for it is very different to any fighting of the armies of the Civil War taking place after the manuals are already in use for years.

Heck, even basic commands you would imagine standard and definitely unchanged in this period have evolved into something very different, as will be seen.

SO, to begin:

The British Army at the time of the Civil War actively drills every single infantryman at 300, 600 and 1,000 yards (900 until the 61/63 revisions of their 1859 manual). In increasing distance, that is Class C, B, & A - C would be expected minimum, B, preferable, A, ideal. British infantrymen fire 90 rounds annually in rifle practice at the aforementioned distances from March 1859 onwards, while in comparison as of 2023 in the US Army, in Standard in Training Commission (STRAC) details 58 rounds annually per individual. To my understanding the average, universal US Infantryman today does not typically train beyond 300 yards. Point; the British Army of the year 1860 is one comprised of an infantry of individual marksmen.

You (And anyone else particularly interested in the Civil War; assumptively, virtually everyone here) are encouraged to read in any great detail about the drill and infantry instruction of the British Army at this time, and most other European militaries, for I very often see complete neglect of anything outside of the United States when discussing tactics; it would be good for comparison, rather than the assumptions many seem to have that European infantry was either behind or was using the old 1830s manuals certain US manuals are themselves derivative of. I say this because, while this is in general constructive in answering your question, greater knowledge of various European tactics directly contemporary to the Civil War would cure of many myths, i.e. that narrative of the Europeans needing to "learn" from the Civil War; everyone knows (at least very superficially) about the Prussians, but realistically virtually all Western infantries are far ahead of the Americans. That aside:

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This is an original copy I have of the Field Exercise & Evolutions of the Infantry (of the British Army), March 1859. There is a whole separate other manual entirely for rifle training, the Regulations For Conducting The Musketry Instruction of the Army of the same year. I have a recent reprint of that manual (Which I have used in the EDIT at the start of this post.)


This would be in use with various, themselves, evolutionary revisions until 1889, ('61, '63, '67, '70 & '77, the '63, '67 & '70 dates being coincidental in their release dates, not made in reaction to developments of the Civil War, Austro-Prussian War, or Franco-Prussian War having each been produced prior to the actual fighting of each..) where it would be replaced by the New Drill in use until the 1890s. My copy appears to be owned by a Mr. "R.S. Paley(?) of the 25th something - I've read the manual, but hardly paid attention to the original sketches and writing! This copy is from June of 1859, a mere 3 months after the 1859 manual was adopted.

There are these little sketches of the symbols for movement and changing formation, specifically of the changing from close-order to extended/skirmish order:

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This is a very important movement - generalizing the entire doctrine laid out in the Exercises of Infantry's described tactics, the British Infantry generally travel and deploy initially in close order - as with most infantries then using the new rifle-muskets as of 1859, where infantry is universally light infantry and a combination of all previous forms of infantry, they are all expected to perform easily in extended order, and that is the preferred line of actual battle and combat. (In the British Army.) On that note, be it Edward Dyne Fenton's photographs in 1861 or the various J. Paul Getty Museum's photographs between 1857-59 of mock battles and displayed formations, or the mock positions in the aftermath of the battle of Eccle's Hill - I don't think I've actually seen anything like a linear formation pretending to fire or even just in close order in an obvious front-line of fighting. There is a good reason for that - the British Army does not even have "volley firing" in the sense most people would imagine it by 1860.

There is not a single "Fire!" or "Reload!" command in the entire of the two manuals. That is because, as said before, the British Army functions as an entire army dedicated to individual marksmanship (The British National Rifle Association, founded in 1860 predates that of the American, built for the same purpose of nationalizing the promotion of rifle marksmanship, and the Rifle Volunteer Corps boasts ~134,000 men (1862 figures) in addition to the ~220,000 some strong British Army (1861) to make a total of at least 354,000 total.).

To facilitate all of this the British Army has the first real modern military institution for rifle training set-up, the Hythe School of Musketry as an entire army corps for rigorous instruction of the whole army in marksmanship. Even every Cavalryman and Artillerist is still required to be able to shoot at 300 yards - compare that to American armies where most men fire their first shot in battle, and 90-100 yards would be typical for most Civil War battles.
Officers, for the most part, as described in the manuals, direct fire, pick targets and decide when to begin and cease firing - every soldier is expected to, in most situations, to always be loaded, and has the autonomy to reload entirely on their own accord, while firing, even in "close order" or line, consists of either individual aimed fire (that is, fire-at-will) or a weird form of, what can best be described as ripple-firing, except that it is still very "individual" in nature, simply that an order is called out that involves a general firing from one end of a rank to the other. As to the actual firing itself, as said before, there is no "Fire!" command, and in the closest form of "volley firing" that is recognizable, after being ordered to "Ready" & "Present", the men are given a personal count of ~3 seconds to fire entirely on their own time: firing together is not the idea, but this is still of course a form of massed fire, and the hail of bullets inevitably coming the way of the enemy will not care about exact unison - marksmanship, instead of volleying in blankets of fire. Pairs in skirmish line was the preferred way of formation, and as in all armies, involves even more individual autonomy - this example though, I am using to illustrate that even the most "conservative" form of infantry firing formation had changed substantially - however evolutionary, of course.

Should be noted that in many situations what I have described, i.e. command for "Make Ready!" is only detailed at various points at the start of firing, once firing has commenced in close order it is almost always firing at will or, if "volleys", the individual also has the autonomy to ready when reloading, such that there is only really even the command of "Present!", firing is done in the individual infantryman's personal count of ~3 seconds, they reload on their own accord and ready (cock) for the next "controlled volley" on their own accord in the readied position.
In the preferred extended order, the officer's job really is for directing at the general target or front, when to retire etc. - the individual infantryman, regardless of the exact skirmish tactic, i.e. in pairs, files or so forth has entire control of their own aiming, firing, reloading and advancing unless situationally, strictly not to advance/retire. If this sounds like Civil War sharpshooters, or like Riflemen/dedicated skirmishers of old, this is because that is essentially what every British infantryman is being drilled to be; the green riflemen still have their unique uniforms, but much like "Grenadiers", "Fusiliers" etc. have no practical distinction any more except for esprit de corps, there is no actual tactical difference at all between them and the regular British redcoat; they are drilled the exact same way and carry the exact same arms, the Enfield, and use these same manuals
.

There's advertisements for a whole bunch of complementary army-made and army-sponsored other books in the very front of both my original Evolutions and reprint Musketry manuals, even a little book for learning Turkish vocabulary! And yet, not one book dedicated to some kind of specialized sharpshooters detached from regular infantry; there is none because they drill the exact same way with the exact same arms.
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All manner of things on this and the proceeding pages, various books just for cavalry exercise, and indeed a book wholly for learning basic Turkish - but no green sharpshooters book, for good reason. If the British Army had given the Union Army a single battalion of infantry, the Americans would have given them green uniforms and sent them off as sharpshooters.

There is a lot more I want to add, but there is little (or no) structure at all to this response, and I only really intended to give a far shorter answer.
I am mostly just blurting random bits and pieces at this point, I might return back to this another time but the basics I think I have brought them across at least in introduction. There is plenty more to it, i.e. the 21st-25th pages of the Musketry Instruction of the Army, (The book which can be considered the "rifle training" to the counterpart "drill" manual) that covers the first 3 lessons of "Theoretical Principles" that are taught before new Infantrymen even learn how to judge distances and set sights, directly says that basic fluid mechanics and ballistics are taught to troops, i.e. the concept of influences of the "line of fire" & "axis of the piece", such as decreasing velocity of the projectile with distance from the muzzle, atmospheric influence and the force of gravity in Lesson 1, in Lesson 2 the concept of air as an elastic fluid and the application of Newtonian principles of motion, action/reaction and the force of gravity of the projectile. That is how seriously the British Army took rifle training for the average Infantryman, remembering that these two are the standard, basic infantry manuals of the day.

Since I began discussing how autonomous the British rifleman from 1859 onward was, I might as well continue to describe the reload drill, Enfield cartridge construction etc. but I will not in too great of detail, but on the topic - the drill describes perhaps the fastest reload drill I have ever seen for any muzzle-loaded standard military rifle I have ever seen, intentionally designed for very fast firing - something all the more able to be trusted in Infantry that are well-drilled and understand their standard arms inside and out. It includes, among other things, the motions of removing, ramming and replacing of the ramrod in single swipes - and the accoutrements of the army are designed to facilitate this faster loading, too - it helps that the percussion cap pouch, beginning in 1857 and universally standard from 1863, was placed on the chest, for much faster reloading of the primer:
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Also being done by the Swedish and various other European militaries of the time.

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This drill and these functional adaptations of equipment to facilitate it can verifiably achieve, if you so tried, a rate of 5 rounds per minute as given by this video by Paper Cartridges (if loaded at the beginning, would be 5):

Paper Cartridges, firing 4 aimed shots in 1 minute from an unloaded position

The benefits and advantages seen clearly when directly contrasted to American drill; you will notice there is no biting of the cartridge:
Paper Cartridges again, (and some other guy I am familiar with but cannon remember the name of for the life of me on a different channel I know) contrasting American 9-times drill vs. British drill under the 1859 Manual

Notice no biting of the cartridge.
I hardly even want to get into uniforms - a rabbit hole of their own, the post-Crimea worldwide changes to uniform dress are highly overlooked in how transformative they are; British (or most) go from coatees as standard dress uniform coats, frock coats/shells in fatigue uniforms, and shift to making frock coats, or "Dress tunics" as have been globally worn since, into dress uniforms, with fatigue wear being left to sack coats and shells, the former of which the British Army introduces in various regulation and non-regulatory forms between 1857 and the 1870s. There is simply too much to add to that, so I will leave that for a future, or entirely different conversation.
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British Gurkha regiment a couple years back - all of these uniforms are directly familiar if they were shown to a British infantryman time-traveling from 1860.


You may even question, with all this supposed change, why retain the redcoat? To which there is the fact that in most actual practice post-1856 in combat, the British Army regularly wears khaki or blues - the US Civil War takes place in the midst of an era where the British Army repeatedly ditches the redcoat when actual combat is involved; it should be remembered there are only 19 years left to the actual extent of any combat use of the redcoat by 1865. Virtually every two years between Crimea and 1870 the British Army also seems to reduce the number of decorative elements on coat and headwear.

i.e.:
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68th (Durham) regiment of foot during their New Zealand postings c.1863-64, likely during the Tauranga (or "Te Ranga) campaign from April 1864. The Mauri Wars are yet another can of worms in the case of directly contemporary British combat to the Civil War, various wars in New Zealand that are characterized by trench warfare, earthworks, rifle-pits and bush fighting, a very unique and oddly symmetrical conflict in which the Mauri themselves are primarily armed with percussion firearms, namely double-barrel shotguns and old British muskets and routinely repulse and beat the British Army in the field. A topic for another time.



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Two paintings by Henry Nelson O'Neill both of 1859, titled Home Again, oil on canvas. Iconic paintings of their time. You will notice the British battle tunic in khaki - these are returning soldiers from the Sepoy Mutiny.

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Storming the Batteries at Badle-Serai, June 1857 during the Indian Sepoy Mutiny, as sketched by Captain George Franklin Atkinson (and built upon clearly and painted).

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Aside from Khaki, you also notice the Greek-style pith helmets that also have their first use with the army from the Mutiny era.

This was all alive and well when the British embarked on the Abyssinian Expedition of 1867-68 to liberate several hostages of the Ethiopian Empire:

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4th King's Own Royal Regiment at the Battle of Magdala on 13th April 1868, painted by Richard Simkin. By the time of the expedition, armed with the stopgap Snider conversion of the Enfield.

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The 4th again.


The Mauri Wars are for the most part, comparable except in various blues:
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I.e. the famous 57th (West Middlesex) Regiment of Foot as they were between 1862-66; Representative of how virtually all British troops fighting the Mauri Wars looked contemporary to the American and Confederate armies of 1861-65.

To end off, some of my favorite photographs of the 1860s:

British cadets in mock-battle c.1857
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British soldiers in skirmish and regimental line formations posing during drilling, 1861. By Captain Edward Dyne Fenton. Royal Collection Trust.

It's all in the manuals, but rather than only skirmishers deploying ahead of line infantry, more often than not this would be the reserve:

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While what the manuals consider the line of battle, as said before, is the line ahead in extended order:

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The image greatly reduces the distances that all of this would happen at, and seems to attempt to show various stages of deployment from closed to extended order; the one illustrated formation maneuver I have stuck in my head, for being drilled into it if nothing else, is the all important deployment from close to extended order.
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Definitely an image where context helps a lot in understanding what this really is - looks seem to deceive here.

A third, and much better image to me personally is this:

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Same source, collection, photographer and medium as before, 1861:

The manuals make very clear that this is the line of battle, and this image for the most part depicts how this looks, at least, in a condensed fashion - trying to fit everything into the image while keeping up close details and a bit of romanticism sprinkled in; these are images made for the Prince of Wales, not realistic.

We've not even touched upon artillery - during every single year of the Civil War the British Army's standard naval, field and siege pieces are all Armstrong Rifled Breechloaders (RBL):

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Top is a model of a 6lb Armstrong field gun, bottom is one of many 110lb/7" Armstrongs aboard the HMS Warrior - been various times, definitely suggest a visit.

Unequivocally, while Gettysburg raged in July 1863, the Overland Campaign went on in early 1864 and bogged down into the many, many miles of elaborate earthworks of Petersburg.. the British were using built-up, rifled guns of far higher quality than any Parrott or even the beloved Ordinance, breechloaded, to shoot hundreds of shells at Mauri fortifications... a theater that was their own testing ground for extensive use of breechloaders - i.e. in this case, the Terry & Callisher of J.E.B. Stuart fame... used by certain cavalry, by the Forest Rangers and by the New Zealand Police. Without elaboration, the British Army had nothing to "learn" from the Americans in infantry tactics - they were already far ahead.
That goes for artillery too, really.

EDIT - comparing Petersburg or the Overland Campaign with the Mauri Wars gave me a random thought; I will not go into great detail, as I might as well publish this post at that rate, but just consider this... on top of the previous paragraph, where British soldiers are busy experiencing extensive unique forms of elaborate entrenchments, making assaults with bloody costs and heavy bombardment from rifled breechloading cannon at the same time as, and years before Petersburg, the Prussians are bombarding the entrenched town of Dybbøl in April 1864, before the Overland Campaign even begins, pounding the works with their Krupp breechloaders they have developed also since the 1850s, assaulting primarily armed with the bolt-action Dreyse... let that sink in. Even in the most "modern" side of the war supposedly with the most to teach the world about "How it's done", from the Overland Campaign, to Petersburg and the Franklin-Nashville Campaign, March to the Sea across various theaters of war, there are major fronts on two other continents being fought by the eminent European powers that not only mirror but feature much more "modern" aspects, including widespread not-merely-rifled but breechloading artillery of better designs than any American make, and fielding notable numbers of breechloaders in doing so... at the very least both the Americans and Europeans are "learning" the same "lessons" simultaneously, and realistically the Americans are the ones with catching up to do. Both Gate Pā and Dybbøl are far better candidates as indicators of progress in warfare and both are finished by the battles of the Overland Campaigns.

The Armstrong RMLs, i.e. the 150lb at Fort Fisher with its brilliant Armstrong segment shell I have repeatedly read from Civil War artillery veterans (i.e. in 1911's Photographic History of the Civil War) as having a reputation as the very best of ordinance, being known to explode into over 200 pieces - and if you know shell designs, it is not an overexaggeration.

While I very often have seen such things as excerpts from Sherman's Memoirs debated over, i.e. the whole "heavy skirmish line" thing and discussion of the taking of cover, extended order etc., it is much clearer in the British Army - the literal Infantry manual, which has a much, much larger section of it dedicated to skirmish order than Hardee's "Rifle and Light Infantry Tactics" directly says, on this page among many others, repeatedly encouraging and instructing cover (and initiative for concealment) to be taken regularly, leaving no room for confusion or debate:

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I won't even touch the 2nd Opium War, any further on artillery etc, I think I've got my point across. I hope this is not too far a deviation for a CivilWarTalks thread, but even among some scholars I see the Civil War, especially in infantry tactics discussed as though either it is up to the Americans to figure out how to really develop tactics for the rifle-musket, as if European tactics are hardly changed from 1813 (or 1832 for that matter), or even, especially in mainstream discussion as if no other armies but the American exists. the most advanced and pioneering armies of the 1860s are not the US or Confederate; they are rather archaic in structure and doctrine. I hope this may have encouraged some interest. The sheer difference in basic infantry practice should be shocking to anyone familiar with Civil War tactics and may be assuming this or the rare, highly specialized actions of Wilder or Willich is as far as pioneering tactics go in the era prior to the Prussians at Sedan. Rather than divert attention and try to turn this into some kind of "British Army Talks" I merely think that having considerable knowledge of contemporary armies to the US and Confederate should greatly change perspective, and allow us all to much better understand the Civil War - and not believe many of the self-praising myths that seem to surround the war. Too often I see something simply treated as "non-existent" if America does not yet have it.

If you are someone who benefits from video content more than most other mediums, British Muzzleloaders on YouTube definitely played a part in my branched interest into what the British are up to in the 1860s, and directly confirms and displays visually, live what I only describe. Paper Cartridges to a lesser extent. Both are great. New Zealand Museum's archives and plenty of other collections and archives are great sources for images, writing and information in general.

Hope this was interesting. I would love to see a single actual film depict any of this, most Zulu War films do not have accurate tactics really, and I have seen little to nothing that depicts the tactics of the British Army as it was during this period. Again, should be an eye-opener to any Civil War buff only really familiar with the Civil War; it was when I first learned of it. Hope this is a good read, however convoluted. Take care.

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EDIT - On a re-read I have noticed plenty of minor spelling mistakes and oddities, some repeated phrases in quick succession, etc. 😅even repeating certain images (i.e. look right above this). I made this (and directly subsequent posts) while having been awake almost 20 hours straight, I took a nap and recently took a look at this only now. If the grammarians among us can let it rest, literarily, literally and figuratively, forgiving these mistakes I still think it's quite readable. I am not fixing any of them in fact, letting this post sit as it was when I wrote it. Not too sure how I mustered the mental clarity to line up some sources from my files and make a half-dozen posts, but I saw some hideously inaccurate statements made about the other armies of the 1860s relative to the Civil War and I guess the nerd inside me could not skip past this one. Again, I hope everything here, sleep-deprived as certain paragraphs or sentences may read, is still comprehensible and you, whoever reading may get something good from it. Take care, everyone.

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Exactly. Military dogma of that time was based on close order formations that were able to deliver a high, concentrated, volume of volley fire. Individual marksmanship would come into play among sharpshooters in a skirmish line.
I've just addressed this in my previous reply but this is a complete opposite to the truth of what the literal marksman army that was the British Army, for example, was during all years of the Civil War, and both before and after it. I realize this comment is a whopping 4 years old, rather than really contesting this at all I am merely inviting you to read my long-winded but hopefully informative post I just made there. The British Army do not even have their officers control the moment of firing nor reloading, nor is there even a command for those things during the early 1860s; they are an army of individual marksmen. Any considerable insight into most other Western armies of the time, be it the Swiss, French, even Norwegian also paint a different picture entirely to what you describe; They are not the crack sharpshooters the British have transformed themselves into, but are doing plenty more than just 1815 and 1830 with extra steps. It seems based upon the assumption that, US manuals and doctrine being based on, at least beyond company or regimental level on 1830s manuals, that European powers were hardly different by 1861.

The Americans are not really all that pioneering in infantry tactics at all during the Civil War, if held against any modern European military, unless counting the least changed, small or underfunded, mouldering institutions that were the Spanish, Serbians or Austrians - and even the Austrians' infamous focus on the bayonet in 1866 was not the case in 1859; their officers' main role in both years, in any case, was directing infantry fire and accurately determining ranges to report to their troops - their fatal problem in the 2nd Italian War for Independence being that individual infantrymen were not being trained to judge distances for themselves, and French rushes closed the distance from which the fire would have been lethal. Point being that with that basic described example, the crumbling Austrians are even giving the rifle more practice and practical training than either American Army. Even the Russians with their notoriously stretched resources get rifle training to a degree in the 1860s. Unless we mainly are referring to the most backwards of European armies of the era, being based on what can be described as being hardly different to the tactics of 1815 - massed fire, lack of importance of marksmanship and close order with skirmisher screening - this does not hold up. You are encouraged to pick a non-Iberian or Balkan army of the time and research it in any real detail, or more specifically the leading powers and their tactics.
 
People confuse the capabilities of the rifle musket with the capabilities of the soldiers. It takes ammunition, range time, effort, and knowledge to train people to shoot military weapons at militarily useful distances. The Federal and Confederate Armies didn't, and the U.S. Army doesn't now.
That is quite accurate. More importantly, while American armies did not, Even the Russians did, the British to the extreme etc.. The American armies of the 1860s as far as the use of their standard weapons go, used them to some of the least real effectiveness in that war.
 
Why wasn't done? Training was probably not updated from the smoothbore era. People did realize what the rifles could do.
I question whether West Pointers had ever been taught to shoot well enough to know what marksmanship was about. And then there were the volunteer officers that knew almost nothing about military rifles.
The people that had received training in Prussia or England were valuable assets on both sides. They knew what a little training could accomplish.
Again, this is quite accurate as a statement. The American system, in Hardee's Manual if I remember leaves rifle training of any kind up to the individual colonels for their regiments, perhaps sergeants, lieutenants of companies within regiments expected to, or with the ability to request ammunition and time in camp (on paper, anyway) for practice - practice of which the depth and quality is entirely down to their individual knowledge and memory of the commander and their ability to actually instruct. Any skipping over pages is in their hands, not that there is any serious rifle training manuals of the time for the US Army; British infantrymen are taught the basics of fluid and Newtonian mechanics as their first lessons in rifle training in 1860 in contrast, there is an entire institution, section of the army dedicated to teaching rifle training in the form of the Hythe School of Musketry (The first real modern rifle training institute), and fire more rounds annually in training than the US Army does on paper 3 years ago.

Many men, i.e. Patrick Cleburne I hear referred to as somehow linking the Crimea & Post-Crimea evolutions within the British Infantry to their performance, tactics or organization during the Civil War, but in actuality a superficial glance at their own army records, i.e. in Cleburne's case serving in the late 1840s - never saw any of it. The British Army of c.1847 uses percussion Brown Bess smoothbores, has none of the leaps it has made by the 1860s that prompt such statements and is hardly that recognizable to the British Army he knew - not an army of universal marksmen as it was during the Civil War. Others, like August Willich we love to talk about for his unique "advance formations" and other innovative tactics, left the Prussian Army also in 1846 - all of what makes the Prussian Army not just very evolutionary (like the Brits do), but revolutionary are yet to happen; the Prussian Army is stale in 1846, the Dreyse in any case is yet to be adopted for another 2 years, will not be used in any considerable effect comparable to breechloaders in the ACW in the First Schelswig War of 1848-50, most soldiers - including any infantry Willich and vast majority of other Prussian transplants served with - use the archaic conversions of the Potsdam M1809 at the time.. what we remember of the innovative British and Prussian armies of the era are directly contemporary to the decade before the war at most, and directly to the war. Unless you know of any particular Prussian or British officer that served as recently as the mid or late 1850s, there is little in the way of the common claim I see made for veterans of either army knowing all that much about rifles any better than the Americans; British training changes completely in the time of anyone serving between 1840 (and really, even 1856), and the Prussians are really not a shining beacon of any model army at the same time, not yet.
In the late 1840s, the French, flirting with the à Tige, Thouvenin, Theirry or Delvigne-Pontcharra systems are quite literally in the process of inventing and perfecting Minié rifles, which themselves in the form of the systems used by the Springfield, Lorenz or Enfield are yet to exist when these men left the service. These pillar-breech rifles are at this time only used notably by the Danish and French.

So while I hope it does not sound in some way combative - I do think that would be a good challenge, as I am very interested to know of any.. imported officers and veterans who actually would have great knowledge of advanced rifle tactics. It perhaps attests even more to the ingenuity of the likes of Cleburne and Willich that their prior experience was nothing in the way of tactics remotely more advanced than the Civil War, serving at a time when many Civil War enlisted men were toddlers or still in the womb.
 
The reason for such high casualties. The weapons more advanced then the Tactics.
This is the truest & simplest way to put it I really see on this thread. This is a widely repeated fact, true but damningly under context, of course - I often see this said in mainstream discussion, but with the twist that Americans therefore were left to develop proper tactics for the rifles and pave the way for the world. Part of the whole "Europeans were stupid not to learn from the war until WW1" and similar narratives. When in reality, proper tactics far in advance of anything typically used in the Civil War already exists, and wars fought by at least one side in a more "advanced" way have already taken place, i.e. in the form of the British experience of Crimea; there is no Civil War Inkerman equivalent on the same scale and effect in its 10,000 battles. The Civil War was fought with archaic tactics because it was behind other Western armies for the most part.

Love the username by the way.
 
Close order infantry formations that were still common in the CW and that relied on mass and volume instead of marksmanship slowly evolved over time into loose formation "fire teams" in response to changes in weapons technology. (Interestingly, the British army continued to use close order formations when fighting African tribesmen equipped mostly with spears and clubs in the 1879 Zulu War). CW sharpshooter units were more likely to be adept at and practice adjusting sights depending on the rifle in use (such as Confederates armed with Whitworth rifles) but I'm not sure about the use of distance markers. Perhaps distance was determined as was practiced by the artillery in firing rounds to establish range.
The "changes in weapon technology" particularly in the 1870s-80s in the US Army has little to do with the "loose formation", evolution into "fire teams" etc. and far more to do with the response to the very poor performance of the individual infantryman in the Civil War. Again, see what I have posted here on British Army directly before and during the Civil War (You of course have not had the time yet to respond, so not to put any pressure).
The distinction is important - The evolutions of the US Army in the era is not like that of a professional army responding to changes in any weapons technology; a mass volunteer army like it existed in 1870, and Chassepots did not prevent the French from fighting in rank and file and largely treating bolt-action needlefire rifles as though they might be smoothbores; in both cases, it is the best way to make use of poorly trained troops in an era where most widely-issued infantry standard-issue rifles are single-shot, and machine guns (or rapid fire in general) is yet to become a platoon, company or battalion staple like it is in the 1910s.

It is like claiming in a modern example, the change in the Chinese Army between the era that marks the start of the Korean War and the Sino-Vietnamese War in the 70s, vs. today is the result of adaptation to new weaponry when it is simply a non-professional, large army eventually combing itself out and attempting to raise itself to the same standards as professional armies. Had the US not emphasized marksmanship postwar, set up the American NRA etc. a large war in the 1880s just as easily could have looked like the Civil War, with large armies treating trapdoor Alin Springfields like they were smoothbores. We know that is the case
A closer example to home being the Continential Army a century earlier - their change over the war years had nothing to do with new technologies, changing face of battlefield or themselves advancing anything, but achieving a more professional military standard.
(On that note, the dominance once again of breechloaders treated like smoothbores in close order is typical in the War of the Pacific in South America in 1879-84, at the very time there is change for the US Army in standards - and not for the Chileans or Peruvians, for much the same reasons as to why the Civil War was fought similarly.)

In an imaginary, hypothetical 20 year period, let's say that military advancement is fairly static, no new weaponry and slight fashion change is the most really happening. If at the start of the period, a massive untrained army uses older tactics because they better suit their scale and situation, and at the end of that period the army has transformed itself into a more professional army that knows how to shoot, and is properly trained, able to control itself etc... it is not the result of fundamentally changing warfare, it is the army that changed. Military advancement is not static in this period in actuality at all yet I think the analogy is clear (I'm making it "static" to put it in a sort-of "vacuum" if you will, no external factors, simple)

British are not alone using close-order against the Zulus, and rather than some oddity of how it survives it makes perfect sense, and why they use square in the mid-1880s; individual or extended order even if they had assault rifles probably isn't the best formation against an enemy that outnumbers them nearly 14 to 1 at Isandlwana; 25,000 total Zulus, discounting those sent to Rorke's Drift vs. under 2,000 British troops almost fully encircled. You are forced to do nothing but get into close order in any era if you do not have heavy guns, did not really fortify your camp out of sheer underestimation and are outnumbered by a ridiculous multiplication factor. Open order was indeed what was mainly used at Isandlwana and did not work, because why would it? At Rorke's Drift, it is almost a 30:1 ratio; extended order even if we were looking at Lee-Metfords being used, I would dare to say, would have been death.

You fail to understand that open order and close order throughout the late 19th century, be it Crimea or against the Zulus, exist simultaneously because infantry has become a combination of prior forms of infantry; that is why the US Army in the Civil War wears the hunter's horn as their literal universal infantry symbol, worldwide known as the old, traditional symbol of riflemen and light infantry, and symbolic itself in its intentional choice for use in this way, why their fatigue uniforms are based at least partially on French chasseurs, why the dress uniform, complete with Hardee has strong German and Austrian Jäger influence, and why the whole army on the smaller scale is using a book literally titled Rifle and Light Infantry tactics, directly translated by William Hardee from a mid-1840s book intended for use with an early pillar-breech rifle-musket, the Model 1846 à Tige, itself preceded by a series of pillar-breech models adopted since 1837; the French are very pioneering in the 1830s & 40s. Literally conducting what the best-drilled ACW Regular US infantry are doing in 1861-65 nearly 20 years later while the Mexican War, mainly fought with flintlocks on both sides is happening at the same time. (Tangent aside, every one of these features I named are very intentional and symbolic in their own right. Even this archaic and outdated US Army of the Civil War we are talking about here, literally models itself among all infantrymen as light infantry, and in practice, ideally fights very flexibly as line or light in the field.)


The perfect antidote to the more well known Zulu War in this regard is the New Zealand Wars that rage during every year of the 1860s, fought wholly without the redcoat, and characterized by extensive trench warfare, bush-fighting that is ideal for extended and open order, fighting against bomb-proofs and rifle-pits; far more relevant given promixity to the Civil War, literally taking place during every year of the war and before and after, and even technologically: See, any source, newspaper, from eyewitness or photographs will confirm directly that the Mauri were mainly fighting with double-barrel shotguns - giving them an extra shot at charging distance, point-blank range - and old British military rifles - perhaps surprisingly, almost all fairly recent, i.e. old P51s or M1839/42 Brown Bess percussion muskets. Double-barrel percussion shotguns seem to be their preferred weapons, and the best-equipped Mauri warriors wore up to three British Army cartridge pouches around their necks for easy access. There are sketches and illustrations (and photographs) of all of this online. The British fought at least half of the conflict with the P53 Enfield, and is a much more symmetrical conflict than the war against the Zulus - the Mauris had their own close-quarter weapons, all manner of short swords and clubs, i.e. patu onewa, but these are used as secondary, close-quarter last resorts; not like the Zulus predominantly using spears and shields with a good throw as their primary projectiles. It was a shooting war, the Mauri occasionally sporting artillery, i.e. during the Waikato Campaign, Ōrākau (most infamous battle). The Mauri had what are considered among some the finest non-European military engineers that had actually learned considerably from the British in wars of the 1840s, i.e., Tītokowaru, developments of Te Ruki Kawiti during the 1840s wars, Wiremu Tāmihana, Rewi Maniapoto, Riwha Tītokowaru and various others during the 1860s wars all come to mind.
The Mauris wore Western clothing for the most part as far as real photographs confirm, and again, technology-wise... while the British fighting against the Zulus have reverted to the RML, with the RML 9lb-er 8 (& 6) cwt guns, some 13lb-ers, the New Zealand Wars of the 1860s are fought with the Armstrong RBLs, some guns up to 110lb (i.e. see the bombardment of Gate Pā).

So if we really want to fascinate over European performance in colonial wars on the scale of infantry, the Mauri Wars are easily much more symmetrical than the Zulu Wars: Typical combat of the Zulu Wars is in close-order, recoats, fought against an enemy who typically charges across open ground protected by a spear that fights with knives and crude spears. British are armed with the Martini-Henry and RML field guns.
A typical Mauri Wars battle (conflict mainly fought from 1860-68) sees British RBL, very occasionally up to 7", bombarding elaborate earthworks complete with underground dugouts with hundreds of shells - sometimes with artillery on their opposing side - and fought in dark blue uniform and fatigue (Kilmarnock at this time) caps, infantry fighting in extended order, and perhaps most shockingly even regularly being bloodily repulsed and defeated by said Mauris. The Mauris are not quite the Boers of the 1st or 2nd Boer Wars, but they are certainly closer to that than even in the middle between the Boers and the Zulus. It is one of the most interestingly symmetrical colonial conflicts of the late 19th century, definitely that of the British. A British soldier in a typical battle in 1879 can expect if he misses, to at least be able to engage a Zulu, armed with spear in melee; a British soldier in a typical battle of 1863 or '64, even if he had a Martini-Henry is not saved by the fact he is in an army of crack-marksmen if he misses his shot in close quarters, as he is ambushed by hidden Mauris hiding in tunnels and dugouts in the trenches he has stormed, and even if a Mauri were then to miss a shot too, he still likely has another barrel he can quickly use to dispatch the British soldier.

Fantastical, imaginary descriptions aside - If any of this comes as any shock there is a lot out there for you to read and research. The point is that the American armies of the Civil War are really not ahead of European contemporary armies. More effort should be put in by those of us who take such interests in the Civil War, if we really are to understand its place in history, and relative to its own time, for I very often see something that sounds like what you express here, some sort of conception of European powers as though they are all using the kind of manuals the Americans took note of in the early 1830s through mid-1840s. Here is a challenge: Find me one military in Europe that is neither Balkan nor Iberian that is using a manual older than what Hardee's is based from (1846). You won't find any because they do not exist. It pays in personal knowledge to really research in detail, not merely to ponder from a distance, the way these other armies fought if we are to make sweeping claims about them relative to the Civil War, or further base our understandings of the Civil War on what we know of their contemporaries. I realize this is an old comment; plenty may have changed for all I know since then, you may know all this and more. If not, there's a lot to start with to research here. I personally do not have anything much to say about any armies I do not even have the slightest knowledge of the infantry manuals of, and without coming across as mean, it would probably be wise to do similar; none of the statements from you I have replied to seem to imply the reading so much as a word of any British manual contemporary to anything Crimean War nor Zulu War era, nor the inbetween that is the Civil War period.

On the Mauri Wars, which was not an intended focus of this post, but now seems to be - a far better comparison, objectively, if we really want to have a go at analyzing British Army and generally European tactics, literally contemporary to the Civil War in its entirety as oppose to the Zulu Wars over 13-14 years in the future.

Much of what I am reading here sounds a lot like what I myself thought about 4 or 5 years ago anyways, so who knows. I hope I have managed to share something here worth your time, and ideally this could completely change your understanding - it should, most people know nothing about how any European Army actually fought in the 1860s (or 1850s, or 1870s really..) from most of what I have gathered, whether even certain scholars or basic, mainstream discussion when it comes to Civil War; Civil War buffs are really in a bubble, outside doctrines very obscured. That is likely where the whole narrative of such common myths as "The ACW was fought with outdated tactics, so it was up to the combat of the Civil War to figure it all out the hard way/the Europeans should have learned from the Americans" and others to similar effect which are made - honestly, like much of the first page or two of this thread - in sheer ignorance of what was actually happening, actually contemporary to the Civil War. This post, and some of the other long ones I have posted on this thread are not meant to be much informative so much as to spark interest into an entire ocean for research and knowledge waiting below your feet.

I hope you may, if I have come across the right way, sparked similarly great interest in these things, in you, the kind of sparks of interest that fuel most of our being here to begin with in all things Civil War.


EDIT - again, was tired to hell making these half-dozen replies, on a re-read seeing various spelling mistakes, some repeated phrases etc. but I hope this is all still very comprehensible. Perhaps it is just because I wrote it, but it is from here - in any case, I hope this is worthwhile as a read, given it borders on something like 1770 words, which may be overkill given what it was in response to.
 
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