Why Did Lee Attack at Gettysburg?

Back to the actual topic of the thread. As pointed out, the Union position wasn't fortified.

On July 1 Lee enjoyed a great victory, defeating and nearly destroying two corps of the Army of the Potomac and forcing a retreat through the town onto Cemetery Hill. This came almost two months after his victory at Chancellorsville.

On July 2, Lee had the following choices:

1. Retreat
2. Maneuver
3. Stay in place
4. Attack

He considered each alternative carefully and came to the logical decision that attack was his best option. He was trying to win the war, after all, and a retreat would not do that. Maneuvering without cavalry was too dangerous. Staying in place was dangerous as well, since the Union Army was getting stronger with time while he was not going to get any stronger. Attack, then, was his best option for July 2.

On that day, he came very close to winning. The Union line was almost broken in several places, and only the last second arrival of new troops in various places was able to stave off Union defeat.

On July 3, he had the same options:

1. Retreat
2. Maneuver
3. Stay in place
4. Attack.

Again, he considered each alternative carefully.
Retreat would not help him win the war.
He now had Stuart's cavalry to help with maneuver, but he needed to know what road system he would use, which he didn't know and didn't have time to find out.
He still would not get any stronger by staying in place, while Union reinforcements were still coming and the Union force would continue to get stronger. Additionally, his foraging was now limited, having cleaned out the area where he was. Staying there much longer would not do.

So he decided once again, logically, that attack was his best option, remembering his men had broken the Union line two days before and had almost broken the Union line again in several places the day before.

I just finished the book "The Man who would not be Washington", and it's mentioned several times that despite his great victories at Chancellorsville and other places, that not 1 inch of ground was gained. This goes back to Lee understanding the brutal arithmetic of the disparity in manpower. He had to have victory on Northern soil. Given the successes on day one and two without Stewart or Pickett's fresh Troops, I can see why he thought this was his best chance to crush the army of the Potomac once and for all. Also I believe it was on day two that Ransom Wright's Georgian Brigade actually made it to close to cemetery ridge, unsupported. So it's logical to think with a much larger force he would be able to break the line at that place on day three .
 
By the 3rd day, Lee had only the following choices:
1. Withdraw the ANV from the field and return to Virginia. This would have been totally anathema to Lee, as it would have meant leaving the AOTP as the victor. Moreover, withdrawing in the face of a strong opponent in hostile territory would have led to its own hazards.
2. Stand fast on the Seminary Ridge line and Culps Hill. Lee could have assumed the defensive position and awaited an assault by the AOTP. But with supplies running low, the ANV could not afford to wait very long in place, lose the initiative and be faced by a strengthened AOTP.
3. Attack the AOTP. This of course, was the choice taken. This made the most sense in keeping with Lee's aggressive posture; believing that the enemy center was weakened by the previous day's assaults, while also assaulting the Union right flank at Culps Hill stood a good chance of success in Lee's mind.
 
That's why I never accepted Longstreets statement that he had exacted a promise from Lee to fight on the defensive when they encountered the AoTP. That seems to fly in the very face and objectives of an invasion (IMHO), since it has to be offensive by its very nature to succeed: both militarily and politically. And like you said they had to have food they had to have supplies. They couldn't just rest on their laurels and hope everything would be well.
 
One other interesting thing that I read was that during the Mexican war at the battle of Chapultepec, it was Pickett who placed the colors high above where Cortes and his Conquistadors once conquered, taking the flag from an injured LongStreet. So this strategy of attacking a raised position of strength had been done before. Obviously Lee bore witness to this and Pickett and Longstreet had been at the very center of it. I'm not sure how this factored into Lee's thinking on day 3, but it seems too coincidental not to have had some influence on his decision and the use of Pickett and his troops.
 
My biggest problem with Stuart was leaving Robertson behind in charge of his and Jones troopers. Longstreet had assumed he would leave Hampton behind. Hampton-Jones would have been a efficient and formattable team. Only Robertson would have sat watching an empty valley. Lee was left with Imbodens, Jenkins, and some smaller units like whites and McNeils

Stuart's problem comes down to this:
  1. Robertson had already failed and been sent away (2nd Manassas, sent away before Lee crossed the Potomac). Now Lee/Stuart were stuck with him again (needed the troops, didn't want the commander) and Brandy Station reinforced the bad opinion of Robertson's ability.
  2. Stuart recognized "Grumble" Jones ability, but couldn't stand working with him.
  3. Robertson ranked everyone except Stuart and Hampton.
So his choices are:
  1. Take Robertson with him on the raid (Gak!)
  2. Take Jones with him and leave Hampton behind to control Robertson.
  3. Put Hampton in command of the raid and Stuart stays behind to control Robertson.
  4. Robertson stays behind with Jones, Stuart commands the raid with Hampton as his #2.
Choice #1 is clearly a no-go. Choice #2 is probably workable but a huge pain to Stuart. Choice #3 is possibly the best option in retrospect, but Stuart undoubtedly wanted to lead the raid. Choice #4 is what actually happened.

Stuart tried to deal with Robertson by giving him extremely detailed instructions on what he wanted done. Robertson, of course, didn't follow them closely -- then Lee's overworked tiny staff didn't notice that Robertson's 2 brigades were moving slowly and not where they should be. Without all that, some or all of those two brigades might have been up with Longstreet, Hill and Lee on July 1st, certainly on July 2nd, maybe on June 30. That would have changed a lot.
 
That's why I never accepted Longstreets statement that he had exacted a promise from Lee to fight on the defensive when they encountered the AoTP. That seems to fly in the very face and objectives of an invasion (IMHO), since it has to be offensive by its very nature to succeed: both militarily and politically. And like you said they had to have food they had to have supplies. They couldn't just rest on their laurels and hope everything would be well.

"Promise" is surely too strong a word for it, but Lee and Longstreet had discussed that approach to the invasion before they started.

Longstreet was down near Suffolk when the Chancellorsville Campaign started (a little further off sand out of touch than Lee had wanted him, and so unable to come back quickly enough). Lee won without him. Longstreet stopped to see Davis as he was passing back to Lee and supported the idea of moving his Corps to the West to either strike at Rosecrans or Grant (May, 1863). Then Longstreet goes on to Fredricksburg and meets with Lee.

Lee has his own plan (which Longstreet apparently either doesn't know about or doesn't know much about; Jackson did). He and Lee discuss it, Lee convinces Longstreet to support it, and sends Longstreet back to Richmond to argue the case.

It is at this point that Lee and Longstreet discussed the details and Longstreet was pushing this strategic offensive/tactical defensive idea. There's nothing wrong with the concept. Longstreet wants to strike a counter-blow after the Yankees have beaten themselves up attacking dug-in Confederates (essentially, a replay of 2nd Manassas with a more successfully counterattack). The problem seems to be that Longstreet appears to have everything topsy-turvy: Lee is the commander and Longstreet is the subordinate. Lee sees that Longstreet's idea can work to the Rebel's advantage -- but Lee is not giving command of the ANV to Longstreet, he will command it himself. Gettysburg, as it develops, is a meeting engagement where thrust and counter-thrust lead to sudden opportunities. Longstreet seems to have turned Lee's openness to the idea into a "promise" he would only follow Longstreet's approach. I am pretty sure Lee saw it differently.
 
"Promise" is surely too strong a word for it, but Lee and Longstreet had discussed that approach to the invasion before they started.

Longstreet was down near Suffolk when the Chancellorsville Campaign started (a little further off sand out of touch than Lee had wanted him, and so unable to come back quickly enough). Lee won without him. Longstreet stopped to see Davis as he was passing back to Lee and supported the idea of moving his Corps to the West to either strike at Rosecrans or Grant (May, 1863). Then Longstreet goes on to Fredricksburg and meets with Lee.

Lee has his own plan (which Longstreet apparently either doesn't know about or doesn't know much about; Jackson did). He and Lee discuss it, Lee convinces Longstreet to support it, and sends Longstreet back to Richmond to argue the case.

It is at this point that Lee and Longstreet discussed the details and Longstreet was pushing this strategic offensive/tactical defensive idea. There's nothing wrong with the concept. Longstreet wants to strike a counter-blow after the Yankees have beaten themselves up attacking dug-in Confederates (essentially, a replay of 2nd Manassas with a more successfully counterattack). The problem seems to be that Longstreet appears to have everything topsy-turvy: Lee is the commander and Longstreet is the subordinate. Lee sees that Longstreet's idea can work to the Rebel's advantage -- but Lee is not giving command of the ANV to Longstreet, he will command it himself. Gettysburg, as it develops, is a meeting engagement where thrust and counter-thrust lead to sudden opportunities. Longstreet seems to have turned Lee's openness to the idea into a "promise" he would only follow Longstreet's approach. I am pretty sure Lee saw it differently.
I saw one author state that with Longstreet you had the idea of agressive defense and with Jackson agressive offense; which were the perfect ingredients for Lee's brilliant mind, enabling him to exploit both men's strengths.
 
General Wright's Georgia brigade had three regiments and a battalion. I'm not sure how many men that is, perhaps someone here knows the strengths of the individual confederate units. But he said "it is not as hard to get there as it looks."
 
General Wright's Georgia brigade had three regiments and a battalion. I'm not sure how many men that is, perhaps someone here knows the strengths of the individual confederate units. But he said "it is not as hard to get there as it looks."

Wrights Brigade entered the battle with 1413 men.
3rd GA, 441 men
22nd GA, 400 men
48th GA, 395 men
2nd GA Battalion, 173 men

Here is Wrights report after the battle, that might shed som light.

Report of Brig. Gen. A. R. Wright, C. S. Army, commanding brigade
JUNE 3-AUGUST 1, 1863.--The Gettysburg Campaign
O.R.-- SERIES I--VOLUME XXVII/2 [S# 44]


HEADQUARTERS WRIGHT'S BRIGADE,
September 28, 1863

Maj. THOMAS S. MILLS,
Assistant Adjutant-General, Anderson's Division.

MAJOR: I submit the following report of the part taken by my brigade in the military operations at Gettysburg, Pa., on July 1, 2, 3, and 4 last:
On the morning of July 1, I moved my brigade from its camp near Fayetteville, Pa., and, by order of the major-general commanding the division, marched in the direction of Gettysburg, passing through the South Mountain at Cashtown Gap.
In this march, my brigade was immediately in rear of Mahone's brigade, and I was instructed to follow Mahone's command. About 10 a.m., and when within about I mile of Cashtown (which is at the foot of the eastern slope of South Mountain), my command was stopped by the halt of Mahone's brigade in the road in my immediate front. In a few minutes after I had halted, the report of artillery was heard in the direction of Gettysburg, and seemingly not more than 6 or 8 miles distant. After remaining about one hour or an hour and a half in the road, the column again moved forward, my brigade following, as before, Mahone's.
On arriving near to Cashtown, I was directed to file off to the right of the turnpike, and bivouac my men in a piece of timbered land, in rear of Mahone, who had preceded me in the woods. At the same time, I was informed that my wagon train would be parked in the open field in my front. In this position I remained until about 1 p.m., when we again took up the line of march along the turnpike in the direction of Gettysburg.
When within about 6 miles of the latter place, I was compelled by severe indisposition to leave my command, and, consequently, know nothing more of the day's operations excepting that derived from Colonel Gibson, of the Forty-eighth Georgia Regiment, who in my absence assumed command of the brigade. By him I was informed that between 4 and 5 p.m. the brigade reached a position three-fourths of a mile to the right of the turnpike, and about 2½ or 3 miles from Gettysburg, where they remained until next morning, and where I found them in line of battle on returning to the command at 7 a.m. on July 2.
Just after assuming command, I received orders to move my brigade by the right flank, following immediately in rear of Perry's brigade. In this order I was conducted by Major-General Anderson to a position already occupied by a portion of the troops of the Third Corps, and was directed to relieve a brigade (Davis', I think, of Heth's division), then in line of battle about 2 miles south of Gettysburg.
About noon, I was informed by Major-General Anderson that an attack upon the enemy's lines would soon be made by the whole division, commencing on our right by Wilcox s brigade, and that each brigade of the division would begin the attack as soon as the brigade on its immediate right commenced the movement. I was instructed to move simultaneously with Perry's brigade, which was on my right, and informed that Posey's brigade, on my left, would move forward upon my advance.
This being the order of battle, I awaited the signal for the general advance, which was given at about 5 p.m. by the advance of Wilcox's and Perry's brigades, on my right. I immediately ordered forward my brigade, and attacked the enemy in his strong position on a range of hills running south from the town of Gettysburg. In this advance, I was compelled to pass for more than a mile across an open plain, intersected by numerous post and rail fences, and swept by the enemy's artillery, which was posted along the Emmitsburg road and upon the crest of the heights on McPherson's farm, a little south of Cemetery Hill.
In this advance, my brigade was formed in the following order: The Twenty-second Georgia Regiment on the right, the Third Georgia in the center, and the Forty-eighth Georgia on the left. The Second Georgia Battalion, which was deployed in front of the whole brigade as skirmishers, was directed to close intervals on the left as soon as the command reached the line of skirmishers, and form upon the left of the brigade. Owing to the impetuosity of the advance and the length of the line occupied by them, the Second Battalion failed to form all its companies upon the left of the brigade, some of them falling into line with other regiments of the command.
My men moved steadily forward until reaching within musket range of the Emmitsburg turnpike, when we encountered a strong body of infantry posted under cover of a fence near to and parallel with the road. Just in rear of this line of infantry were the advanced batteries of the enemy, posted along the Emmitsburg turnpike, with a field of fire raking the whole valley below.
Just before reaching this position, I had observed that Posey's brigade, on my left, had not advanced, and fearing that, if I proceeded much farther with my left flank entirely unprotected, I might become involved in serious difficulties, I dispatched my aide-de-camp, Capt. R. H. Bell, with a message to Major-General Anderson, informing him of my own advance and its extent, and that General Posey had not advanced with his brigade on my left. To this message I received a reply to press on; that Posey had been ordered in on my left, and that he (General Anderson) would reiterate the order. I immediately charged upon the enemy's line, and drove him in great confusion upon his second line, which was formed behind a stone fence, some 100 or more yards in rear of the Emmitsburg turnpike.
At this point we captured several pieces of artillery, which the enemy in his haste and confusion was unable to take off the field. Having gained the Emmitsburg turnpike, we again charged upon the enemy, heavily posted behind a stone fence which ran along the abrupt slope of the heights some 150 yards in rear of the pike.
Here the enemy made considerable resistance to our farther progress, but was finally forced to retire by the impetuous charge of my command.
We were now within less than 100 yards of the crest of the heights, which were lined with artillery, supported by a strong body of infantry, under protection of a stone fence. My men, by a well-directed fire, soon drove the cannoneers from their guns, and, leaping over the fence, charged up to the top of the crest, and drove the enemy's infantry into a rocky gorge on the eastern slope of the heights, and some 80 or 100 yards in rear of the enemy's batteries.
We were now complete masters of the field, having gained the key, as it were, of the enemy's whole line. Unfortunately, just as we had carried the enemy's last and strongest position, it was discovered that the brigade on our right had not only not advanced across the turnpike, but had actually given way, and was rapidly falling back to the rear, while on our left we were entirely unprotected, the brigade ordered to our support having failed to advance.
It was now evident, with my ranks so seriously thinned as they had been by this terrible charge, I should not be able to hold my position unless speedily and strongly re-enforced. My advanced position and the unprotected condition of my flanks invited an attack which the enemy were speedy to discover, and immediately passed a strong body of infantry under cover of a high ledge of rocks, thickly covered with stunted undergrowth, which fell away from the gorge in rear of their batteries before mentioned in a southeasterly direction, and, emerging on the western slope of the ridge, came upon my right and rear at a point equidistant from the Emmitsburg turnpike and the stone fence, while a large brigade advanced from the point of woods on my left, which extended nearly down to the turnpike, and, gaining the turnpike, moved rapidly to meet the party which had passed round upon our right.
We were now in a critical condition. The enemy's converging line was rapidly closing upon our rear; a few moments more, and we would be completely surrounded; still, no support could be seen coming to our assistance, and with painful hearts we abandoned our captured guns, faced about, and prepared to cut our way through the closing lines in our rear. This was effected in tolerable order, but with immense loss. The enemy rushed to his abandoned guns as soon as we began to retire, and poured a severe fire of grape and canister into our thinned ranks as we retired slowly down the slope into the valley below. I continued to fall back until I reached a slight depression a few hundred yards in advance of our skirmish line of the morning, when I halted, reformed my brigade, and awaited the further pursuit of the enemy. Finding that the enemy was not disposed to continue his advance, a line of skirmishers was thrown out in my front, and a little after dark my command moved to the position which we had occupied before the attack was made.
In this charge, my loss was very severe, amounting to 688 in killed, wounded, and missing, including many valuable officers.
I have not the slightest doubt but that I should have been able to have maintained my position on the heights, and secured the captured artillery, if there had been a protecting force on my left, or if the brigade on my right had not been forced to retire. We captured over twenty pieces of artillery, all of which we were compelled to abandon. These pieces were taken by the respective regiments composing this brigade, as follows: The Third Georgia, 11 pieces; the Twenty-second Georgia, 3 pieces; the Forty-eighth Georgia, 4 pieces, and the Second Battalion several pieces--the exact number not ascertained, but believed to amount to as many as 5 or 6 pieces.
I am gratified to say that all the officers and men behaved in the most handsome manner; indeed, I have never seen their conduct excelled on any battle-field of this war.
In the list of casualties, I am pained to find the name of Col. Joseph Wasden, commanding Twenty-second Georgia Regiment, who was killed at the head of his command near the Emmitsburg turnpike. The service contained no better or truer officer, and his death, while deeply deplored by his friends and associates, will be a serious loss to the Confederacy.
Maj. George W. Ross, commanding Second Georgia Battalion, was seriously wounded, fell into the hands of the enemy, and has since died. This gallant officer was shot down while in the enemy's works on the crest of the heights, endeavoring to have removed some of the captured artillery. As a disciplinarian, he had no superior in the field; an accomplished gentleman and gallant officer, the country will mourn his loss.
Col. William Gibson, commanding Forty-eighth Georgia Regiment, was seriously wounded, and left upon the field. I am pleased to say that recent information received from him gives assurance of his ultimate recovery. This regiment suffered more severely than any other in the command. Being on the extreme left, it was exposed to a heavy enfilade as well as direct fire. The colors were shot down no less than seven times, and were finally lost.
During the morning of Friday (the 3d), my brigade remained quietly in its original line of battle. Late in the afternoon, it was moved forward 500 or 600 yards, to cover the retreat of Pickett's division, which had assaulted the enemy's position at the same point where my brigade had advanced the day before, and had been forced to retire. Soon after, I was ordered by General Lee to move my brigade to the right several hundred yards, and form in rear of Wilcox's brigade, to support the latter in case the enemy should advance upon it, and which was now threatened. In this position I remained until after nightfall, when I retired to my original position in line of battle upon the hill.
On Saturday (the 4th), my command remained quietly in line until about sunset, when I was ordered to take up the line of march for Fairfield. We reached the latter place about midnight, marching through drenching rain, and here I received orders to move on to, Monterey Gap, in South Mountain, and support Iverson's brigade, which had been attacked in the mountain while guarding a large wagon train. About daylight, I came upon the rear of the train upon the top of the mountain, but found the road so completely blocked up as to prevent my farther progress. I halted my command, and permitted the men to lie down and take a little rest, while I rode to the front, to ascertain the exact condition of affairs. I found General Iverson near Monterey, and not far from the Waynes-borough turnpike, and from him learned that all the danger to the train had passed, and I directed him to move on in the direction of Waynesborough as rapidly as possible, so as to enable our troops to get through the mountain pass. Shortly after this, Major-General Anderson came up, and assumed the further direction of the day.
From this time until we recrossed the Potomac, my brigade lost not a single man in the very severe and fatiguing march of the night before recrossing the river. My entire command displayed a patient endurance of physical suffering and heroic fortitude rarely exhibited by any troops.
A detailed list of the casualties of my command was forwarded to you immediately after the battle, and is, therefore, omitted in this report.
Inclosed I hand you copies of the reports of the officers commanding the different regiments composing this brigade.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. R. WRIGHT,
Brigadier-General, Commanding Brigade
 
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During Wright's attack on July 2, only a portion of his brigade managed to reach the Union line and advanced to the top of Cemetery Ridge. The 22nd Georgia and the rightmost companies of the 3rd Georgia, a couple hundred men at most, passed through a hole in the Union line which had been vacated by units that had been sent south in support of the Third Corps, a situation that was very different from what existed on July 3. Of course, Lee could not have known that.

Another issue is whether or not Lee was even aware of the results of Wright's attack. While he was not exactly known for keeping his mouth shut, there simply is no evidence that Wright told anyone other than Richard Anderson Wright's version of events (other than Pickett with whom he spoke prior to the bombardment beginning).

Ryan
 
despite his great victories at Chancellorsville and other places, that not 1 inch of ground was gained.
Perhaps the author fails to appreciate that the eventual outcome of the war was achieved not by capturing ground but by destroying armies. In that respect, Lee- as well as other rebel commanders- aided in their own destruction.
 
Perhaps the author fails to appreciate that the eventual outcome of the war was achieved not by capturing ground but by destroying armies. In that respect, Lee- as well as other rebel commanders- aided in their own destruction.

Yes, and that was exactly one of Lee's main goals. Destroy the AotP on norhern soil.
 
Lee's overworked tiny staff
I appreciate your making this point, one that others have made recently although it is often overlooked.
It might make a good thread to discuss why Lee's Staff was too small for its mission: was it inability to find the right people? Or Lee's preference?
 
Thanks for your response.
Indeed it was.
the other reason was of course let the Virginia crops rest, but most CW Generals leading armies had a goal of destroying the other parts army. Especially on the Union side in the Virginia theatre of operations. Plus of course take the capitals.
 
Perhaps the author fails to appreciate that the eventual outcome of the war was achieved not by capturing ground but by destroying armies. In that respect, Lee- as well as other rebel commanders- aided in their own destruction.

I errored in attributing the quote. It was Lee himself who wrote in a letter to his wife after the victory at Chancellorsville that, "our loss was severe, and again we had gained not an inch of ground and the enemy could not be pursued."

I actually think this supports what you're trying to point out even further. He was unable to think as normal Commanders should and would. There was no Other objective than to completely destroy the Army of the Potomac. That's a tall order for anyone. Despite his great victories he became locked in a vicious cycle that could only end one way. Thank you very much for your input.
 
I errored in attributing the quote. It was Lee himself who wrote in a letter to his wife after the victory at Chancellorsville that, "our loss was severe, and again we had gained not an inch of ground and the enemy could not be pursued."

I actually think this supports what you're trying to point out even further. He was unable to think as normal Commanders should and would. There was no Other objective than to completely destroy the Army of the Potomac. That's a tall order for anyone. Despite his great victories he became locked in a vicious cycle that could only end one way. Thank you very much for your input.
Thanks for your response.
The realization that destroying the enemy's armies was more important than capturing ground came late to US leadership as well. Grant was constantly trying to manoeuvre into a position to defeat Lee; Sherman similarly was intent on out-manoeuvring Johnston not to gain land, but to defeat his army.
 
Stuart's problem comes down to this:
  1. Robertson had already failed and been sent away (2nd Manassas, sent away before Lee crossed the Potomac). Now Lee/Stuart were stuck with him again (needed the troops, didn't want the commander) and Brandy Station reinforced the bad opinion of Robertson's ability.
  2. Stuart recognized "Grumble" Jones ability, but couldn't stand working with him.
  3. Robertson ranked everyone except Stuart and Hampton.
So his choices are:
  1. Take Robertson with him on the raid (Gak!)
  2. Take Jones with him and leave Hampton behind to control Robertson.
  3. Put Hampton in command of the raid and Stuart stays behind to control Robertson.
  4. Robertson stays behind with Jones, Stuart commands the raid with Hampton as his #2.
Choice #1 is clearly a no-go. Choice #2 is probably workable but a huge pain to Stuart. Choice #3 is possibly the best option in retrospect, but Stuart undoubtedly wanted to lead the raid. Choice #4 is what actually happened.

Stuart tried to deal with Robertson by giving him extremely detailed instructions on what he wanted done. Robertson, of course, didn't follow them closely -- then Lee's overworked tiny staff didn't notice that Robertson's 2 brigades were moving slowly and not where they should be. Without all that, some or all of those two brigades might have been up with Longstreet, Hill and Lee on July 1st, certainly on July 2nd, maybe on June 30. That would have changed a lot.
Nice job on laying this all out and it makes good sense. If Stuart really believed Robertson could handle it. Stuart didn't give Robertson orders a child could understand for no reason, seems he surely had doubts. What to do with Robertson was a never ending problem.
 
Thanks for your response.
The realization that destroying the enemy's armies was more important than capturing ground came late to US leadership as well. Grant was constantly trying to manoeuvre into a position to defeat Lee; Sherman similarly was intent on out-manoeuvring Johnston not to gain land, but to defeat his army.

I almost agree completely with that. :smile:

On Grant, I absolutely agree. Grant saw maneuver as a means of bringing his army into battle with the enemy (hopefully at an advantage) to destroy him. From Henry & Donelson to Appomattox, Grant's campaigns and his orders to subordinates always express the desire to move and strike the enemy.

On Sherman ... Sherman was not a good offensive tactician -- more importantly, he himself felt he was not a good offensive tactician. His maneuvers were aimed at defeating the enemy by means other than battle (largely by disruption of the enemy LOC, industrial and economic warfare). Sherman's record is filled with lost opportunities on the battlefield because of it, he rarely convinces himself to attack with his whole strength (and when he does it is a bloody failure). The Atlanta Campaign by itself shows at least three opportunities to destroy the enemy that Sherman let slip away. His last battle of the war at Bentonville shows the same. Sherman was a determined soldier, a stout defender, excellent on operational and strategic matters, but did not see the enemy's army as his chief aim (Grant, for example, saw Johnston's army as Sherman's objective in the Atlanta Campaign; Sherman saw Atlanta as the objective, was content to take it and let Hood escape after Jonesborough.

Sherman was an important factor in winning the war, worked well with Grant, helped crush Confederate morale. He was not a destroyer of armies on the battlefield.
 
Between June 15, 1863 and June 17, 1863 the nature of the Civil War changed.
By that time the fall of Vicksburg became inevitable. Grant relieved McClernand.
Rosecrans began to move in Tennessee, and retained his command for only June, July, August and September 1863. In October he was relieved.
By the end of June 1863 even the British Members of Parliament were waiting for imminent fall of Vicksburg.
Lee was no longer capable of reinforcing Bragg and forcing a battle before Vicksburg.
By the time he lost telegraph connections to Richmond, around the 15th of June, he knew the Confederacy would become a bifurcated nation.
From June 28, 1863 he should have known the entire Pennsylvania invasion was a high risk gamble.
President Lincoln was happy to have Pennsylvania invaded. Because if the Lee was in Pennsylvania, the United States was going to make the Mississippi River a low cost operational area and the US would have a darn good chance of knocking Tennessee, Louisiana and Arkansas out of the war.
That is exactly what followed.
By September the US added Little Rock to Baton Rouge and Nashville and Arkansas was added to the list of potential 13th Amendment ratifiers.
 

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