Perryville Understanding Perryville.

Battle of Glorieta Pass New Mexico

Battle of Westport Missouri

Battle of Perryville, Kentucky


All three battles, interestingly, are generally forgotten.

The Confederate army and government showed its great overreach in each of these battles. The Confederate army, as usual, fought gallantly. They were all stories of the Confederate armies invading home territory. In all three, the Confederate army had to retreat because of inadequate troops and supplies.
At Perryville, Kentucky, The Union had their resupply in nearby Louisville, Kentucky, while the Confederate supplies came from faraway Chattanooga, Tennessee.
As I recall, a heat wave struck Kentucky at the time, greatly reducing the forage for the Confederate supply and artillery animals.

In all three battles, over reach caused retreat and three former territories, New Mexico, Missouri, and Kentucky, viewed as part of the Confederacy, were forever lost
 
Do you have a specific example of "modern scholarship" here?

I'm not more than superficially familiar with Perryville, so I look forward to seeing some light shed on it.
Yes. That would basically be every book written about Perryville since the late 20th century.

It appears that since Maney's brigade was the principle unit that literally over-ran Parsons' battery on the Knob (owing to the fact that the 16th TN had been nearly already decimated), most of the writing covering the fight there focused on Maney's brigade in the post war years. It WAS NOT - however - a cover-up. Maney's men knew that they took the battery, and they KNEW that they were assisting Donelson's brigade - namely the Sixteenth Tennessee.

What got lost in the shuffle, was the role that the Sixteenth played in helping to capitulate the Federal left flank.

I see all (well - most anyway) scholarship as good scholarship. I don't claim to be an academic master, but I am a thinker and study anything that garners my attention in depth. It doesn't always make me right, but in this case it very well may.
 
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Yes. That would basically be every book written about Perryville since the late 21st century.

It appears that since Maney's brigade was the principle unit that literally over-ran Parsons' battery on the Knob (owing to the fact that the 16th TN had been nearly already decimated), most of the writing covering the fight there focused on Maney's brigade in the post war years. It WAS NOT - however - a cover-up. Maney's men knew that they took the battery, and they KNEW that they were assisting Donelson's brigade - namely the Sixteenth Tennessee.

What got lost in the shuffle, was the role that the Sixteenth played in helping to capitulate the Federal left flank.

I see all (well - most anyway) scholarship as good scholarship. I don't claim to be an academic master, but I am a thinker and study anything that garners my attention in depth. It doesn't always make me right, but in this case it very well may.

Civil War Trust has some good info on the battle, including book recommendations and maps--and lots more. If I have questions about something I'm reading, I usually go there and do a bit of basic research. I see the Noe book and a book by Chris Kolakowski are both recommended. Have you read those?
 
While modern historians have decided that the Sixteenth Tennessee advanced on the Union center at Perryville, I have never been able to make sense of a move that would literally make no sense. The evidence not only suggests, but supports the idea that the regiment and Donelson's brigade were instructed to attack the Federal flank - but initially -misdirection by the brigade commander forced the regiment to march at an angle toward the federal flank - but from in front of the enemy unit. This is what caused such extreme casualties in the unit.

As it approached the Federal flank - across the enemy frontage - it was fired on by no less than three batteries. The most recent interpretations of this event identify the batteries to be of Simonson, Harris and Parsons. The evidence suggests otherwise. the only batteries that could have played on the Sixteenth - if they did indeed attack Parsons' guns - would be Parsons, Stone's and Bush's batteries.

The recent interpretations also suggest that the Sixteenth Tennessee advanced up a long tributary toward Harris' battery that WAS located in the Federal center, and managed to hold its own for four hours while being decimated by not less than two batteries and five enemy regiments. Impossible? Yes. I have heard and read of acts of daring, but never a single regiment attacking five enemy regiments and two enemy batteries single handedly.

The fact is - and all knowledgeable of Perryville will confirm - that the Sixteenth Tennessee was the FIRST unit heavily engaged in battle on the C. S. side. They will also confirm that the 123rd Illinois was the FIRST unit heavily engaged on the Union side. To me it is as simple as 1 + 1 = 2. That would naturally identify these regiments coming into contact with each other. The Sixteenth did not go into a skirmish style fight. They immediately engaged an enemy line of battle and crushed it. They additionally fought to within 40 yards of Parsons' guns - taking point blank grapeshot and canister fire.

It is evident that modern historians are so convinced of their learned story that they are unwilling to accept what hard evidence and common sense direct.

This excerpt is from the Nashville Daily Union and was printed in mid-October 1862:

"I have been over a part of the battle field, and with Captain Williams have counted what rebels I saw dead on the field. On our left and in front of where Starkweather fought, and Maney and Donelson's rebel brigades attacked, I saw and counted 211 dead. At the hospital, near the cross roads, there are two more who I saw dead and eight wounded. In a pen in front of where Harris fought, there are eighteen more dead. I saw no more, but one of Gen. McCook's aids reports a large number in a ravine on our right covered with brush. A gentleman from Harrodsburg reports two thousand wounded at that place. The First Tennessee lost about two hundred killed and wounded, and on the retreat the Sixth, Sixteenth and Thirty-first Tennessee regiments reported themselves cut up entirely. The First Confederate brigade was destroyed if their own stories are to be believed. ... .I know of no other officers, except a captain and first lieutenant lying unburied on our left."
I've always wondered if the Captain and Lieutenant were Captain Lamberth and Lieut. Spurlock of the 16th. If the brigade was moved over to the center and participated in the fight there later, it may not have allowed the 16th an opportunity to bury their own dead, unlike the 1st TN that stayed in the vicinity of where they had earlier fought. Plus, I know Capt. Lamberth was still un-buried two days later. This happened on October 10th:

As they wandered aimlessly near a little house, they found their captain—John G. Lamberth—lying dead by a log. Mart was exhausted, he could go no further; he sat on the log by his captain with a distant stare. Bob urged Mart to get up and continue on, but dehydration and his wounds would not allow it. Bob and John wished him the best and continued on across the field.[1]
As Mart sat staring at the corpse of his beloved captain, he heard a distant rumble approaching at a feverish pitch. Looking up, he saw a group of five Yankee cavalrymen galloping at full speed toward him over Confederate corpses strewn across the field. They came to a halt within feet of him. One of the men asked, "What are you doing here?"
I replied that I was just sitting on the log.
"Have you been here since the battle?"
"No sir, I belong over at the hospital."
"To which side do you belong?"
"The Confederate."
"Who is that lying there?"
"My Captain."
"What kind of a man was he?"
"He was a good man and his name was Lambert."​

This is another account: This is all in reference to the first attack.
Head, Thomas A.: 16th Tennessee
Campaigns and Battles of the Sixteenth Regiment, Tennessee Volunteers, by Thomas A. Head; 1885. Reprinted 1961 by Womack Printing Co., McMinnville, Tenn. Copy in Tennessee State Library and Archives.

"The men were given a moment to rest at the top of the bluff, and the word 'Forward' was given. The men obeyed with a yell. For six hundred yards the ground was irregular, and having stone fences running in different directions, the men scaled them without difficulty. At this point there was a slight trough-like depression in the ground, running parallel with the enemy's lines. (This is where the 123rd runs up to deploy behind the fence with rear in front) As the Sixteenth Tennessee approached the lowest point of this depression the enemy opened a murderous fire upon them with musketry and artillery from right, left, and front. The ranks of the Sixteenth Regiment were mowed down at a fearful rate, and the Fifteenth Regiment also suffered severely. The ranks closed up and the brigade pressed onward in the charge. …
"As the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Tennessee Regiments moved up the hill and came nearer to the enemy, the fight grew more and more desperate. Heavy charges of grape and canister were hurled into their ranks from the front and on the flanks.
"Stewart's Brigade now came up and formed on the left of Donelson's brigade, by which support the Fifteenth Tennessee was partially relieved of the severe cross-fire upon its left wing. … (This is more likely the 38th Tennessee finally arriving.)
"The enemy bending his line around the right flank of the Sixteenth Tennessee Regiment near an old log cabin, (At the base of Open Knob) and enfilading fire of musketry and artillery was poured into its ranks; yet the regiment held its ground for half an hour, when Maney's brigade came up and formed on its right. General Maney charged this flanking party of the enemy, and swung it around on its main line, forming an angle in the shape of the letter V. This opened the way for artillery, which was hurried to the scene, and planted at the point of the angle. … (Carnes' Battery enfilading the lines, it is UNDENIABLE that he is referring to any position other than OPEN KNOB in this instance.)
"The enemy finally yielded this line and fell back to a lane at the top of the hill, about three hundred yards distant. (Benton Road.) In this lane he reformed his line and planted his batteries. (Stone and Bush on top of the hill.)
"The Confederates … were quickly pouring destructive volleys into his ranks along the line. …
"The enemy … yielded this line (Starkweather's Height's) about sundown, and the battle ended for the day. …
"Dr. Charles K. Mauzy, Surgeon of the Sixteenth Tennessee Regiment, dressed his (Col. Savage) wound, and Dr. Cross, the brigade chaplain, procured quarters for him in a farm-house. …
"All those (wounded) who could travel were sent to Harrodsburg. Those not able to bear transportation were taken to the farm-houses of the neighborhood, where hospitals were established. …
"The dead were left unburied. The enemy buried their own dead, but left the Confederate dead, which lay upon the field for four days. They were then partially buried by the people of Perryville and vicinity. The ground was very hard and they were just merely covered up, and remained thus for six or eight weeks, when they were gathered up by the good people of the place and decently buried in one common grave. Those who died of wounds were buried in the cemeteries at Harrodsburg and Perryville. …
"As the Confederate wounded recovered they were paroled and sent to Vicksburg for exchange."

"The Battle of Perryville," by Thos. A. Head, unidentified, undated newspaper clipping from files of David Fraley of the Carter House in Franklin, Tenn.
"Two other regiments of the brigade (8th and 51st TN) were sent under Colonel Wharton of the Texas Rangers along with Carnes' Battery to strike the enemy in rear of his left flank. The remaining regiment (38th TN) … (at) the foot of the bluff following with Stewart's Brigade.
"The enemy was posted from eight hundred yards distant in an open field. …
"There was some confusion in commands, and Col. Savage … thought best to await the arrival of the other regiments before advancing any further. General Donelson came along about this time, and, thinking the other troops were up the hill, ordered Col. Savage to advance … , and the 16th and 15th Tennessee Regiments went into the attack. …
"The 38th Tennessee finally formed on the left of the 15th Tennessee, and Stewart's Brigade on the left of the 38th. Maney's Brigade came up on the right of the 16th, and until this support came up, the 15th and 16th Tennessee Regiments, for a half an hour at least, fought the whole left wing of Buell's army. (This is in the first 30-45 minutes of the opening of action on the C. S. A. right!)
"The expedition under Col. Wharton was a success, and Buckner's command came up meanwhile, and turned the enemy's left flank. …
"The 16th Tennessee Regiment lost two hundred men before support arrived. The 15th Tennessee was nearly destroyed."

Nichols, John H.: 16th Tennessee
Proof of the Pudding. Autobiography of John Harmon Nichols, by Nichols; 1913

"Some cavalry dashed in and stirred the enemy, and our regiment, the Sixteenth Tennessee, met the cavalry as they were coming out amidst dust, smoke, the thunder of cannon, and the rattle of small arms.
"On we went in double-quick time, White's Battery (Parson's) thundering shells into our ranks, the sharpshooters sending a ball now and then and a man falling ever and anon; but on we went without a halt until we were in easy range of the enemy, and then the engagement became general. Step by step we advanced. Now we charged and took White's Battery (Parsons') in the midst of great slaughter of men and horses, for the battery horses were rushed in to remove the battery, but were shot down. I have never seen the ground more thickly covered with the bodies of dead men nor human blood flow so freely.
"Here Colonel Savage was wounded. Our captain, J.B. Vance, fell, also our first and second lieutenants. … Here my brother fell at my side with a broken arm and a broken leg. His arm was lost, but his leg was saved.
"My clothes were cut in five different places and the long hair from my right temple was furrowed with a shot which burned the side of my head, but I was not seriously hurt. I had much less use for war after that battle."

Rennolds, Lt. Edwin H.: 5th Tennessee

A History of the Henry County Commands, by Rennolds; 1904. Reprinted in 1961.

"General Cheatham was ordered to march his division to the right and prevent our right from being turned. We moved by the right flank to a creek and down the banks of the creek to where the road had been roughly graded up the bluff. General Polk came up just as we reached the bluff, and one of a group of soldiers who were tearing up a Federal flag, held up a piece of it, and said: 'Look here, General what we have.' General Polk replied: "Come on and let's get one apiece.'
"After climbing the steep declivity, we were deployed into line and ordered to lie down in the timber of small growth, in support of Donelson's Brigade. In a few minutes this (Donelson's) brigade was ordered to charge Chaplain's Hill (Open Knob), on top of which was posted the Fifth Missouri Battery (Parsons') of eight guns, supported by the One Hundred and Seventeenth (105th) Ohio and one Hundred and Fifth (123rd) Illinois Regiments. With a yell, Donelson's … Tennesseans rushed over the intervening space of 100 yards, firing as they ran. The Federal regiments fired a few rounds and fled pellmell down the hill, (They probably couldn't see Maney's Brigade from their position.) and the battery was captured. The sound of firing receded very rapidly as the Confederates pursued the fleeing enemy. And very soon we were ordered to advance. When we reached the crest of the hill we passed between the guns of the captured battery, and saw the dead body of the Federal Brigadier-General Armstrong(Jackson)lying near. We then came into full view of the conflict our comrades were engaged in at a lane about 150 yards down the slope, where they encountered the enemy's second line. (Benton Road) … Breaking into a double-quick, we covered the intervening space in the shortest possible time. … Corporal Bob Harris fell to rise no more, and Lieut. G.C. Camp of Company 'H' fell dangerously wounded. At the lane were the limbers and caissons of the Missouri (Parsons') Battery. All the horses had been killed except one, which Sergeant Kennerly, Company 'D,' who was wounded just then, cut loose and rode to the rear. The second line of Federals, when they saw Stewart's Brigade coming into action, broke and fled also, keeping up a desultory firing as they retired. The pursuit led through a narrow strip of woodland and then up a long ascent through a cornfield. About 100 yards further on Lieutenant J.B. Milam fell, with a severe wound in the leg, and about the same time Ensign J.B. Jones had his thigh-bone broken, but did not loose his hold on the colors. … Lieutenant F.M. Clark to the colors, but soon handed them to Color Guard A.A. Dinwiddie. …
"Andrew Thompson of Company 'B' fell mortally wounded, and said to his captain, A.W. Caldwell: 'Tell my mother where I fell,' and drawing the … captain down, kissed his cheek and died.
"By this time all semblance of a line had disappeared, but the officers urged the men forward, and they continued to advance, loading and firing as they went. In this field … (I) received a wound in the arm, disabling … (me) from using … (my) gun, and … (I) retired to the rear. Captain John W. Harris was dangerously wounded in passing through the woodland, and Captain John T. Irion and John R. Peeples placed him behind a large whiteoak tree. J.W. Crutchfield was knocked senseless by the explosion of a bomb. Captain Gillett, acting major, was killed. Colonel Venable was partially disabled by a ball which mashed his sword scabbard, tearing off his belt and breaking his horse's leg. Lieutenant-Colonel had his horse killed under him, and his son, G. Wash Swor, lost an arm.
"To the left of the field a fence divided it from a body of woods, and the left of the regiment followed the fence. Near the top of the long ascent, another fence crossed this at right angles, and just beyond it, on the highest elevation, were placed three Federal batteries (Probably guns of Stone and Bush), which continually belched grape and canister. Behind the cross fence was posted the enemy's third line of battle. In front of the fence some thirty or forty yards, a force of infantry was stationed in a gully. This detachment, on our approach, opened a withering fire of small arms, but the … Fifth pushed forward in the face of it all. … The occupants of the gully … clambered up the steep ascent and retreated across the open field beyond, (and) over the fence. … The advancing regiment … cut down many of them before they could get out of range.
"The gunners of the battery, seeing their support vanish, … seized their guns and drew then out of sight over the crest by hand. When the regiment reached the cross-fence, in front of the battery, Privates G.W. Crawford, Sam Archer and a few others, who were near the fence running east and west, found themselves face to face with the Federal line just across in the next field. Archer was fatally shot and the others retired across the gully.
"The field officers, unaware of the exact situation, urged the men forward a second and a third time, but each time, lacking support on the left, were compelled to retire. The gunners of the battery again drew their guns forward and opened fire. When the field officers were informed of the situation, the line was formed and marched by the left flank into a body of woods. The day was drawing to a close, but about dark Donelson's Brigade was ordered forward and the Federal line to the left of the battery was driven from its position. But darkness prevented further pursuit. …
"About 9 o'clock p.m. General Bragg ordered the troops to retire to Harrodsburg, which they did during the night and the following day. Halting only a day here, we retired to Camp Dick Robinson, and as soon as the stores captured there could be removed, started on our long march to Knoxville, Tenn."

Riley, Joseph E.: 33rd Tennessee
The Tennessee Civil War Veterans Questionnaires, Volume 5, compiled by Gustavus W. Dyer and John Trotwood Moore.

"At dawn, Oct. 8, Gen. Cheatham formed his brigade in battle line and about 8 or 9 o'clock we were ordered from the front of Perryville to the right wing, where we formed under heavy artillery fire.
"About noon, the general engagement began.
"Donaldson's brigade made a charge upon a battery of seven guns. These guns poured a storm of grape and canister upon this … brigade. We were lying down watching their … onslaught. My attention was directed mainly the 5th Tenn. (Probably the 15th or 16th he is referring to.), the Irish regiment. On, on they went as the volleys from the guns would mow a swath of brave fellows from their ranks; they would close up their ranks and keep on that dead run. They captured the battery and halted. At this movement we were ordered to their relief. Orders were passed down the line 'Reserve your fire.' We got up running. … We halted at the battery for the Federal General, Jackson, had rallied and was making a desperate onslaught with three lines of battle. Lt. Col. Jenkins was wounded, Capt. Jones took command. Orders came again "Reserve your fire and charge.'
"As we passed the 5th Tenn. (16th Tennessee) , who were now lying prone at the captured battery, there arose one continuous cheer urging our line forward. 'On my bully byes' 'Oh my bully Byes.' 'Give them hell' cried every Irish throat as we rallied and drove … Jackson back.
"Around that battery … dead were piled upon the dead, and here and there, a writhing mass of wounded flesh, twisting, groaning, and sometimes cursing, under the … weight of dead piled upon him. But the shower of leaden hail was too heavy for us to give more than passing notice to the … carnage. …​

These are only a few of the accounts that not only support, but blatantly explain what happened. In some cases, their reminiscences are foggy as to what unit number or name they refer to, but the two regiment's accounts of Stewart's brigade (5th TN and 33rd TN) are strong evidence.

Then there is also Maney's account or report of the battle - I will insert it next and show that someone (somewhere) must have been forging a document - for what reason - I don't know.
 
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Civil War Trust has some good info on the battle, including book recommendations and maps--and lots more. If I have questions about something I'm reading, I usually go there and do a bit of basic research. I see the Noe book and a book by Chris Kolakowski are both recommended. Have you read those?
Yes, The Kolakowski book is general enough to not have major problems with, but Noe's book falls into the modern scholarship category that I adamantly believe has misinterpreted the battle. That doesn't make his book bad - just makes it inaccurate.
 
The following is what I believe to be a bogus report that someone created in order to give credit to the 8th Texas Cavalry. It was retrieved from the Perryville battlefield, but is not sourced. It will be followed by the actual report that Maney filed in the Supplement to the Official Records. Take note of the differences. Also note his narrative in relation to Donelson. The report is not given in its entirety, but the part relative to the opening of the actions.

Report of Gen. George Maney, Third Brigade, First Division, Right Wing.

(Source Unknown)


Field Hospital near Knoxville, Tennessee, 6 November, 1862


A report on the recent action at Perryville, Kentucky 8 October, 1862.


Sir:

I ask to be excused for the delay in making my report, due to the severity of my injuries during the action in question. Being posted to the right of our lines, I began the ordered westerly advance north of the town of Perryville. I had three of my regiments in line, the 9th and 6th Tennessee Infantry, and the 41st GA, with the 1st and 27th TN Regiment in support. The attack was supported by a mixed four gun battery [Turner] placed at an advantageous point overlooking my line of advance. The advance was slowed by light woods and by farmer's fences, through which 2/3's of my force had to advance. To my front was a tall ridgeline ending in a prominent hill to the North, occupied by a battery [Parsons'] of Yankee artillery. As my and the Yankee battery exchanged fire, my infantry advanced slowly forward. Reports from my artillery informed me that a large force of infantry also occupied the hill, but that they were not placed well to support the battery. My front line stopped at the base of the ridgeline in order to allow my two supporting units to fall into line. The 1st TN fell into line on the left, but the 27th could not find the room to fall in at the center. Since our artillery could not seem to get the range, I ordered the guns limbered and the entire battery moved forward to support the attack. It advanced approximately 200 yards down the hill into the valley and reopened fire. The 41st Georgia took severe casualties, being exposed to the Union artillery for the entire period of the advance. As the units began the advance up the hill, general fire was opened, but little effect was noted. We were now receiving help in the form of several regiments of cavalry which were shaking out into line to our front and right. The 6th TN, observing that the fire from the battery had slackened considerably, attempted to take the guns by Force Majeure. The battery opened a devastating fire at close range with double canister, breaking the 6th TN as if it had been hit with a hammer. As the unit withdrew in disarray, I rode down to rally it. Just as I reached their position, I was struck heavily by fragments from an artillery round, which killed my horse and also wounded my aide, Captain Griffith.

The rest of my report is based on an extract from the report of Colonel Blakely, commanding 1st Tennessee Infantry, who assumed command of my Brigade.


With the wounding of General Maney, the tempo of the battle increased. Within minutes of the withdrawal of the 6th Tennessee, the 8th Texas Cavalry made an a successful charge of the same battery, but from the North, crossing our front from right to left. The attack rolled up the union line from right to left, completely clearing the hill to our front. The brigade continued forward and gained the entire ridgeline. The view from the hill top showed a battery on the next hill top, with union infantry swarming in the valley below. On my left, the 1st and 9th Tennessee Regiments came into close combat with two union regiments in skirmish order, covering the withdrawal of the units broken on the hill top. Fire was opened at extremely close range, with the closest regiment, the 80th Illinois Infantry, being completely devastated and driven from the field. This was our position as darkness fell. Late that night, we were ordered to withdraw South, which we did taking our wounded with us.


Casualties: General Maney and Captain Griffith wounded.

41st Georgia: 2 Officers and 51 men wounded

1 Officer and 26 men killed

6th Tennessee: 1 Officer and 12 men wounded

4 Officers and 23 men killed


Over 50 prisoners were taken by the 1st Tennessee during the last portion of the battle, and one gun was drawn off by the 41st Georgia (although it was later claimed by the 8th Texas)


Respectfully Submitted

General Maney​

Just reading the terminology in the above report forces me to be suspicious of it. Now compare the above the the real thing.
 
Brigadier General George Maney's report from the Supplement to the Official Records.



"The opposite bank of this creek directly in front of our approach was a precipitous bluff from twenty to forty feet high, the ground beyond it woodland, not more than ordinarily undulating and extending forward to open fields. To ascend the bluff directly in front in anything like order would have been impossible, and in approaching it I was instructed by staff officers of both Major-Generals Polk and Cheatham to move my command by the right flank past the creek by a crossing at the lower point of the bluff and take possession of the woods in the highlands beyond. This crossing was perfectly practicable for a movement by the flank, but the general ruggedness and irregularity of the ground on either side rendered the passage impracticable to any extended front of line, and in a strong degree imparted to it the character of a defile. About the same time I commenced my movement by the flank a gallant dash was made by COL. Wharton's cavalry command through the woods to which I had been directed, and while this was going on I received orders ordered from Major-General Cheatham in substance as follows: 'To advance as rapidly as practicable through the woods toward the enemy; attack, drive, and press him.' There had been considerable firing, but the movement of our cavalry appeared a success in clearing the woods, and deeming it important to appropriate the advantage of any confusion which might exist with the enemy, in consequence, I pressed on with all rapidity practicable, turning to the left after crossing the creek bed and following the sound of the action. In passing through the wood, I encountered much of our cavalry, which had been engaged in the dash just made, and knowing that when deployed my command was to constitute the extreme right of our infantry line, and being unable at the moment to find the commanding officer, I instructed the cavalry whether in squads or companies to pass rapidly to the right, so as not to enfilade my infantry movement, and to take position for the protection of my right flank. Meeting COL. Wharton a few moments afterwards, I mentioned my action and wishes with respect to his cavalry and requested his personal efforts in carrying them out, which was promptly given. During my movement by the flank, to avoid delay so far as possible, my staff were kept almost constantly passing to the rear to deliver necessary orders and keep the command closed up. My own time was occupied in directing the cavalry to my right and examining the ground forward with the view of advantageous movement.

After proceeding several hundred yards through the woods in the course I had first taken, I was informed General Donelson had become hotly engaged and was in great need of reinforcements. The action seemed but a short distance to my front and appeared to be fiercely waged, both with infantry and artillery.

A depression in the ground, protected in front by a slight ridge and extending some distance to my right, afforded shelter for and favored the convenient formation of line of battle by filing to the right, halting and fronting when proper space was attained. My line was here and by this movement commenced, and in a few moments I ascertained by a personal reconnaissance the position of the enemy. Facing my approach and slightly to the right of General Donelson's command was a strong battery placed on a hilltop in an open field and less than 120 yards from the nearest edge of the woods, in which I was. The battery was actively engaged, partly on Donelson's command at short range and partly in firing into the woods through which I was approaching. General Stewart's Brigade, which was to form between General Donelson's and mine, had not yet arrived, but my instructions as well as the immediate assistance needed by General Donelson's command committed me to engagement without delay and my preparations to attack the battery were made forthwith.

Colonels McDaniels, Porter's and Buford's Regiments were fronted into line for the immediate attacking force (these constituting as much front as could be brought to bear advantageously against the battery) and a staff officer sent back to direct Colonels Frierson and Field, so as to form in rear of and as a supporting line to the three first regiments. These arrangements being made without waiting for the supporting line to get into position, I commenced the advance of the attacking line, directing it so as to reach the open field at the nearest point to the battery. From the nature of the ground the right of my line first emerged from the shelter of the ridge under which it had been formed, and immediately the enemy's fire was opened upon it. Steadily and rapidly, however, the advance was continued to the fence dividing the woodland from the field, about an average of 120 yards from the battery."
 
This is from the Nashville Banner, Saturday, October 5, 1912 – by Marcus B. Toney (1st Tennessee)

"Near the bluff Gen. Buell had seven pieces of a Parrot battery. Our regiment, after crossing the stream, nearly dry, climbed the steep bluff and ___ ____ ____of the Sixteenth Tennessee commanded by Col. John H. Savage, which he called "the Panthers." The Sixteenth was engaged in a hot contest to capture the Parrot guns, which were supported by a brigade of ____ _____ ____ _____ commanded by Gen. Jackson from Hopkinsville, Ky. As we were moving by the right flank in rear of Col. Savage and endeavoring to uncover from his right, several of our men were shot before we got into action. While lying down, awaiting orders, Gen. Leonidas Polk rode up and asked: "What regiment?" The reply, "First Tennessee." He ordered Col. Fields as soon as he uncovered from Col. Savage to move by the left flank and assist Col. Savage to capture that battery. When we got in line of battle the firing was furious, but just as we fired the Ohio troops fled and we captured the Parrot guns. In the meantime Bush's Indiana battery, supported by the First and Twenty-first Wisconsin, were reinforced by an entire brigade. The First Tennessee rushed forward under a storm of shot and shell which seemed to mow down our boys as grain by the sickle, but our thin ranks would close up and charge again only to meet with death. We had advance so far in front of our line that ____ ______ _____ ____ enemy, having no foes in their immediate front, turned their fire upon us and many of our boys were killed and wounded by this enfilade fire. No where on the firing line was it so furious as where the First Tennessee was engaged, and some of our men fell in just feet of Bush's battery but we could not take it. Every man and horse of the battery was either killed or wounded. When we charged the Ohio brigade with Col. Savage of the Sixteenth Tennessee and Col. G. C.Porter of the Sixth Tennessee, Gen. Jackson, with drawn sword, attempted to rally his men, but he was killed, and his body fell in the line of Company F. Capt. Jack Butler (which was known as the Nashville & Chattanooga Railway boys) the Greenhalge of the company captured Gen. Jackson's watch."
 
SAVAGE'S REPORT OF THE BATTLE OF PERRYVILLE, KENTUCKY.

From early in the morning until twelve o'clock the Sixteenth Regiment was in line of battle in the dry bed of Chaplain Creek, its right resting on the road that leads to Harrodsburg. The regiment was then ordered to march down Chaplain Creek. After going a mile or more the cannon balls began to fall among the men but did no harm. At the distance of about two miles the creek widened to something like a small bottom, with water in it, the banks having become forty to fifty feet high, covered by heavy timber and undergrowth. Turning to the left the Sixteenth was ordered by General Donelson to ascend the bluff, through the timber and undergrowth, which was steep and difficult to get up. The path led along the foot of the bluff some fifty or sixty yards to a dug road, up which I rode into an open field and saw a battery of artillery some two hundred yards out in the field.[1] Riding to where the men were getting up the hill into the edge of the field, I formed the regiment into line on the edge of the bluff directly fronting the battery. By this time General Donelson rode up and said, "Colonel, I am ordered to attack," to which I made no reply. He repeated a second time, "Colonel, I am ordered to attack." I again made no reply. He repeated a third time, "Colonel, I am ordered to attack the enemy!" I then said: "General, I see no enemy to attack except that battery over there in the field. Do you mean, sir, that you want the Sixteenth to charge that battery?" He said, "Yes." I replied, "General, I will obey your orders but if the Sixteenth is to charge that battery you must give the order." He raised his voice in a rather loud and excited tone and said, "Charge."

I believed that the battery was supported by a strong line of infantry concealed by a fence, and a forest not more than eighty yards in its rear, and that it had been placed in the field as a decoy to invite a charge. I believed that a charge would end in my death and the defeat and ruin of my regiment, and while I had often disobeyed Donelson's orders, for which he had court-martialed me, I could think of no military principles that would authorize me to disobey such an order in the face off the enemy and at the beginning of such a battle.

There was running up from Chaplain Creek a long hollow about half way between the battery and where the regiment was in line.[2] I thought as soon as I moved into that hollow I would be out of reach of the battery and that I could come up on the other side within sixty or seventy yards of the battery. I was in no hurry; got in front of my regiment and said, "Forward, march!"

About the time the regiment reached the bottom of the hollow an aide of General Cheatham's came from the woods near the right, saying that the enemy was in the woods at the head of the hollow at the right.[3] I halted the regiment, ordered my color bearers to the front and ordered the regiment to dress on them so as to march in the new direction indicated by Cheatham's order. I was in no hurry, for outside of Cheatham's aide and Donelson there was no Confederate in sight. There was no reason why the battery should not have fired upon the regiment while it was in line, except that a fire would pass through the line and only do a little damage.[4] Marching in the new direction indicated by Cheatham's aide, I was soon in an open beech forest on the top of the hill.[5] I was riding in front expecting a surprise, the left of the regiment was at the edge of the forest and the field, when the battery, about one hundred and fifty yards from the regiment, fired, enfilading it, sweeping the whole length of the line, killing a captain, a lieutenant and many privates.[6] I was riding in front of the regiment; a grape shot passed through the head of my horse below the eyes. Remembering to have seen thirty or forty rider-less horses running over the field of Molino del Rey, I threw the bridle of my horse over a snag, took a Remington pistol from the holsters, and ordered the regiment forward to get out of range of the battery. Descending the hill some forty or fifty yards, we were fired on by the main line of the Yankee army, not more than fifty or sixty yards distant, concealed behind a rail fence which was a prolongation of the fence enclosing the field in which the battery was situated.[7]

There was a fence and a field on my right running up to two cabins at the line of the enemy's forces.[8] There were skirmish lines along this fence which fired on our rear as we advanced.[9] The Sixteenth had no protection except a few trees in the forest. I ordered a charge. We drove the enemy from behind the fences, killing many of them as they fled. The right of the regiment was at the two cabins. There was a battery in the line of battle to the right,[10] about thirty or forty yards from these cabins, between which cabins there was an entry, or space, of ten or fifteen feet. The battery opened fire upon us, killing many men, and at the same time a fire of small arms from the line of battle was directed upon these cabins. The battery fired obliquely into this space. I stood between the cabins, would watch the gunner ram home the charge, and say, "Lie low, boys; he is going to fire," and step for protection close to the cabin nearest the battery. The battle was furious, the men loading and firing as rapidly as possible, falling back and again charging up to the fence. A private, Andrew Dow Mercer, said, "Boys, let's take the battery," and started in that direction. At this time I saw a force to my right and in my rear. I countermanded Mercer's order, but he had gone some five or six steps towards the battery to a tree. Seeing that he was not supported, he hugged the tree closely for a short space of time and returned to the cabin without being wounded. While standing between the cabins a Minié ball passed through my leg without breaking the bone, and the wood off of a canister shot struck the opposite cabin, and glancing knocked me down, paralyzing me for a time. The men at the battery had been killed or wounded or had fled before Maney's brigade appeared in the field to my right, some hundred yards or more distant, and the battle had ceased at the battery.[11] I said to Colonel Donelson: "I am unfit for duty. Take charge. Go to the battery. It belongs to the Sixteenth." There was then no enemy in front or firing upon the regiment.[12] After the battle was over Captain Fisher of the Sixteenth said to me: "Colonel, we killed at that battery the bravest captain we ever saw. We tried to get him to surrender, but he would not surrender and we had to kill him," and I recognized in Captain Fisher's "brave captain," Major-General Jackson, whose body was found among the guns of this battery.[13]

None of General Maney's brigade was nearer than one hundred yards of this battery. The batteries taken by General Maney's brigade were half a mile or more to the right of this battery.[14] During the hottest of the battle my lieutenant-colonel, Donnell, came to me and said: "Colonel, order a retreat. We are losing all our men and are not supported." I replied: "Protect your men by those trees and that fence and I will protect this wing by these cabins. We were ordered to fight. To order a retreat at the beginning of a great battle is not war. We must hold this position until supported, and it is the duty of our commanding officers to bring us support." The regiment could not then retreat without being brought again under the fire of the battery in the field. Soon after the time that Maney's brigade appeared on the right the Thirty-eighth Regiment belonging to Donelson's brigade engaged the enemy's line of battle on the left. It is stated in this same volume of "Confederate Military History" that the Sixteenth Regiment under Colonel Savage lost one hundred and ninety-nine men, more than half the casualties of the brigade.

Either Savage or his commanders are responsible to God and their country for this terrible slaughter of brave men. It is difficult to form an opinion as to why this occurred as it did. Was it incompetency or neglect on the part of Donelson and Cheatham, or were there other motives operating to produce this result? There was at the time no good feeling between Donelson, his son and son-in-law upon his staff, and Savage. The friends of Savage claim that by disobeying Donelson's orders at Huntersville in Virginia he saved his regiment from great loss by fatal disease. It was also claimed that by disobeying Donelson's order at Valley Mountain in Western Virginia he saved Donelson's brigade and also General Robert E. Lee from capture next morning.

It appears in the sixteenth volume, page 1022, "War of the Rebellion", that the battle of Perryville has been reported by forty-four officers, twenty-eight of whom are Yankees, and sixteen Rebels. I have carefully read these reports to try to form an opinion as to the truth and fairness of the statements made on each side. I am inclined to treat the statements made by officers as testimony made by a witness in court, whose feelings and prejudice are all on one side. There are certain leading facts on each side that must be credited, because in accordance with reason and in harmony with admission on each side. To corroborate and sustain my report, I have taken the statements of five soldiers of the Sixteenth Regiment, now residing in Warren County—James C. Biles, Jesse Walling, E.S. Rowan, Huel Moffit and William H. White[15]—who all remember the facts as I report them, and they all agree that no regiment of Donelson's brigade or other Confederate force was in sight when Cheatham and Donelson gave the fatal order to the Sixteenth Regiment, solitary and alone, under the fire of the battery in sight in the field, to charge the main line of the Yankee army; and that the regiment was engaged for half an hour before Maney's brigade appeared on the right.[16]

SAVAGE'S COMMENTARY UPON CHEATHAM AND DONELSON AT THE BATTLE OF PERRYVILLE, KENTUCKY.

Generals Donelson and Cheatham were guilty of a crime or an inexcusable blunder in sending one regiment, solitary and alone, under the fire of a battery to attack the main line of the Yankee Abolition army. It was their duty to see that all the regiments were in line of battle in supporting distance of each other. The brigade should have been moved forward as a unit and the attack should have been made by all the regiments at the same time. It was Cheatham's business to see that all the brigades in his division were on hand and in line of battle and in supporting distance of each other, so that his whole division could make a simultaneous attack upon the enemy. Cheatham's aide, changing Donelson's order to attack the battery, came out of the woods near the beech forest and near the Sixteenth Regiment, and Cheatham must have seen the Sixteenth Regiment at the time he changed Donelson's order and must have known that there was no support in sight for the Sixteenth Regiment. It was his duty to arrest Donelson's march and to order him to form his brigade in the proper place to support the Sixteenth in the charge which they ordered.[17] Savage never saw Cheatham during the battle and does not know whether he was drunk or sober.

Savage assumes that this fatal order of Cheatham's and Donelson's resulted from one of three causes:

First. From undue excitement by the presence of the batteries and main line of the Yankee army, dethroning their reason and banishing their common sense.[18]

Second. From drinking liquor to stimulate their courage to meet the dangers in the impending battle.[19]

Third. To cause the death of the disrespectful, disobedient and insubordinate Colonel Savage, who was constantly declaring that the army should be reorganized, Davis removed and a dictator appointed, or the conquest of the South by the abolitionists was a certainty. This made all office-holders the bitter enemy of Savage.[20]


[1] Precisely what battery he is referring to is not known—only that there were no batteries that close to the regiment upon their ascent of the river bank. Traditional interpretations suggest Harris or Simonson. The re-evaluation suggests the guns of Stone and Bush.

[2] This long hollow referred to in traditional interpretations is the valley that runs from Doctor's Creek to the head of the valley near which Harris' battery was planted. This interpretation suggests that the regiment would advance up the length of the valley rather than traverse its width as Savage suggests. In the reevaluation, it is suggested that it is the draw between the first and second fingers descending from the ridge that accommodates 'Open Knob' and 'Starkweather's Heights.'

[3] This is clear evidence that the regiment's advance was south of the intended objective. They reformed facing in a northerly direction, and they advanced up the hollow. They regiment had yet to take any enemy fire and was in complete defilade.

[4] Just as they were in sight of the battery, the gunners could undoubtedly see them. The guns had remained quiet for the reasons Savage gave.

[5] Savage noted that the regiment was no longer in 'the hollow' but on top of the hill.

[6] This implies that the first battery fire received was from their left flank, as the right of the regiment was still in the beech forest.

[7] Their advance took them closer to the guns, but to a nearly defilade position for, at least, a portion of the regiment.

[8] The cabins were those belonging to the Widow Gibson by traditional interpretations. The re-evaluation suggests that two cabins were located on the eastern slope of the 'Open Knob.'

[9] The skirmish line was likely the troops of the 123rd Illinois that had just been repulsed in their bayonet charge on the Sixteenth.

[10] Parsons' Battery was a short distance up the hill and on the right-front of the regiment.

[11] Savage was aware of Maney's presence—although he would like to claim the capture of the guns by the Sixteenth single-handedly. Savage mentions that Maney appeared, "… in the field to my right…" It is important to note that he states it is a field. If the Sixteenth had been at the Widow Gibson's, Maney would have appeared in the woods. The nearest field would have been north of Benton Road. Had Maney been further than a hundred yards away, it is unlikely Savage or any of his men would have been aware of his arrival.

[12] The combined fire of the Sixteenth and Maney's Brigade—with their charge on the guns—left the enemy retreating to the lane at Benton Road. Indeed, Savage's position at the cabins was not receiving fire at this time.

[13] It is irrelevant as to what unit is responsible for the death of Gen. Jackson; but, what is relevant is that: the Sixteenth was at the location where his body was recovered. That was Parsons' battery.

[14] Savage believed that Maney's men seized the battery on Starkweather's Heights. From his position at the cabins, it was further to the right (or north), but in fact, the battery was about 450 yards west.

[15] The author's great-great-grandfather—William H. White—was the regimental color-bearer. It is assumed he carried the colors after the severe wounding of the Ensign W. T. Mayberry.

[16] (Savage, pp. 117-124)

[17] Interestingly, although Bragg was on the field, some accounts suggest he was to oversee the entire operation leaving Polk in field command of the actions. Could it be this was the case? Is there a possibility that Donelson forgot to inform Savage that he would be commanding the brigade? It is clear that Savage had no knowledge of any such change in the command structure. It would make more sense that Donelson was in command of the division as it was sent in so hap-hazard. Donelson never showed promise as a tactician or at command and control as even a brigade commander—neither at Perryville or Murfreesboro. Food for thought.

[18] If there is any foundation to this accusation, it is that there was a sense of urgency to seize the lone battery, and perhaps, this urgency superseded the deployment of the entire division.

[19] There is no evidence to substantiate this claim, only Savage's wish.

[20] (Savage, pp. 135-136) Although Savage was brash as well as sometimes disrespectful, disobedient and insubordinate, the belief that he was targeted for death by his superiors is likely a sign of some form of paranoia that he suffered from.
 
Now, how is it that all of this eyewitness testimony that support each other is neglected and/or discounted by historians? The easy answer is that most of us read what we read and take it as a sort of gospel. Rather than try to get to the guts of a matter, it's easier to just accept historians' viewpoints. Additionally, no respectable professors or historians want to take the risk of being wrong. I mean, that's what we have to suppose.

I'm not one of those though. I am neither a professor or "certified" historian. But, it is funny that the assumption is that if someone doesn't have a Ph.D., they couldn't possibly be bright enough to figure something out - right? :giggle:
 
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You had me up to the point of this being a matter of people sneering at nonPh.D holders.
It's not meant against anyone - Ph.D or not. It's just the supposition that people tend to weigh opinions of scholars more-so than the average person. I'm one that firmly believes that a theory supported by hard evidence should and can stand up to rebuttal. There should be sufficient evidence here to shoot down current interpretations of how the battle unfolded, but it will likely be dismissed as argumentative or the like.

I wouldn't say that all revisionism is good or bad, but I would say that understanding how the opening moments of a battle commenced (who was first engaged, where they struck the enemy and how it helped achieve tactical success) can play a major role in the comprehension of the battle as a whole.

Again, in this instance, it doesn't change the outcome of the battle, but we can make better sense of how and why the battle unfolded in the manner it did along other portions of the front. I definitely have some people scratching their heads, but many persons are so rooted in the current interpretations of the last thirty years, that they can't get outside of the box to think otherwise. The fact is that the current interpretations absolutely cannot fit the events as related by the men in Maney's, Donelson's or Stewart's brigades.

Makes me wanna grab someone by the shoulders and shake them real good.:banghead:
 
It's not meant against anyone - Ph.D or not. It's just the supposition that people tend to weigh opinions of scholars more-so than the average person. I'm one that firmly believes that a theory supported by hard evidence should and can stand up to rebuttal. There should be sufficient evidence here to shoot down current interpretations of how the battle unfolded, but it will likely be dismissed as argumentative or the like.
People tend to weigh the opinion of people who are supposed to be experts more than the average person. That's not a a bad thing. That's not even a dubious thing. Obviously being "supposed to be an expert" doesn't automatically grant someone expertise, but if I had a question on the law, I'd ask a lawyer before I asked Bob Down The Street, even if I liked and respected Bob.

As for hard evidence and being argumentive: I don't know enough about either the standard account or your sources to do anything, personally. I mean, and I'm saying this to explain that, not to argue, I don't know Toney from Adam. Was he honest? Was he observant? Was he even there? All of these I'm taking your word for it on that (which I trust, I assure you) and have no means of comparing it to the basis used by people presenting things differently.

I trust that you've put in a lot of research into this, and I trust that you've answered those questions for yourself on Toney (and others). So I'm prepared to accept your conclusions as well founded, whether you have a degree or not.

I wouldn't say that all revisionism is good or bad, but I would say that understanding how the opening moments of a battle commenced (who was first engaged, where they struck the enemy and how it helped achieve tactical success) can play a major role in the comprehension of the battle as a whole.

Again, in this instance, it doesn't change the outcome of the battle, but we can make better sense of how and why the battle unfolded in the manner it did along other portions of the front. I definitely have some people scratching their heads, but many persons are so rooted in the current interpretations of the last thirty years, that they can't get outside of the box to think otherwise. The fact is that the current interpretations absolutely cannot fit the events as related by the men in Maney's, Donelson's or Stewart's brigades.

Makes me wanna grab someone by the shoulders and shake them real good.:banghead:

Which raises the question of, if the men in those brigades saw things in such and such a way, where the people presenting events in a different light are drawing information from. Most historians don't just make stuff up as they go along, and I presume - correct me if I'm wrong - that these are not obscure, hard to find sources. So what is going on? Whose accounts ARE being used?

This goes beyond Perryville's events into historiography's problems, but it makes me wonder. Someone's information is either dishonest or grossly mistaken, because the 16th Tennessee couldn't have been doing X and doing the opposite at the same time - at least not outside quantum level stuff.
 
A PhD after one's name is a sign of having spent quite a bit of time and effort studying the subject at hand. It's not an empty title.
 
A PhD after one's name is a sign of having spent quite a bit of time and effort studying the subject at hand. It's not an empty title.
No. It isn't an empty title, but consider that it only means a few years after a masters. And consider that what one believes and studies colors what one spouts after getting the degree. It is not anywhere near a guarantee of infallibility.

Until one proves him/herself to be credible, PhD signifies "piled higher and deeper."
 

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