Famous Monitor's XI-inch Dahlgren Shell Guns

When John Ericsson designed the Monitor, he knew that a 15-inch Rodman existed, but that was an Army gun. He had hoped that a gun like that could go in his design. Unfortunately, the largest gun adopted by the Navy at that moment was the XI-inch Dahlgren Shell Guns, which is still really big, but not what he really wanted to install in his new creation. Dahlgren wasn't convinced that guns larger than 11 inches were safe, and in the confines of an armored turret, well, he had even more reservations about such big guns. So at his direction, Ericsson submitted his experimental plans for the Monitor tailored to fit two XI-inch Dahlgren Shell Guns in the turret.

ARTILLERY PROFILE
  • Model: XI-inch Dahlgren Shell Guns
  • Type: Muzzleloading Smoothbores
  • In Service With: U.S. Navy, Aboard the U.S.S. Dacotah, transferred to the U.S.S. Monitor
  • Under the Command of:
    • Lieutenant John Lorimer Worden, in command of U.S.S. Monitor, Feb. 25, 1862 - Early Sept. 1862
      • Lieutenant Samuel Greene, Executive Officer, supervised loading and firing of one Dahlgren
      • Acting Master, Louis N. Stodder, supervised loading and firing of one Dahlgren
    • Commander John P. Bankhead, in command of U.S.S. Monitor, Early Sept. 1862 - Dec. 30, 1862
  • Purpose: All Purpose Naval Armament on Turret Ironclad
  • Gun Placement:
    • Gun 27: U.S.S. Monitor Turret, Port Side
    • Gun 28: U.S.S. Monitor Turret, Starboard Side
  • Used in Battle: March 9, 1862, Battle of Hampton Roads, Virginia, against ironclad C.S.S. Virginia
  • Invented By: John A. Dahlgren, USN
  • Lost at Sea: On-board the sinking U.S.S. Monitor, Atlantic Ocean, southeast off Cape Hatteras, on December 31, 1862
MANUFACTURING
  • US Casting Foundry: West Point Foundry, Cold Springs, New York
  • Year of Manufacture: 1859
  • Tube Composition: Cast Iron
  • Registry Numbers: 27 & 28
  • Trunnion Markings: Not Available
  • Foundry Numbers: Not Available
  • Inspectors Mark: Not Available
  • Additional Engraving: added during a maintenance period in October of 1862...
    • Gun 27: "WORDEN. MONITOR & MERRIMAC."
    • Gun 28: "ERICSSON. MONITOR & MERRIMAC."
  • Purchase Price in 1859: $1,391.00 ea. (US)
WEIGHTS & MEASURES
  • Bore Diameter: 11 inches
  • Bore Length: 131.2 inches
  • Tube Length: 161 inches
  • Tube Weights:
    • Gun 27: 15,720 lbs.
    • Gun 28: 15,617 lbs.
  • Carriage Type: Turret Carriages
  • No. of Crew to Serve: 7 men per gun
PERFORMANCE
  • Rate of Fire: One round, every 7 to 8 minutes each
  • Rifling Type: None, Smoothbores
  • Standard Powder Charge: Up to 15 lbs. Cannon Grade Black Powder
    • Later, charges safely increased to 30 lbs., too late for Hampton Roads
  • Muzzle Velocity: 1,120 ft/sec.
  • Effective Range (at 5°): 1,712 yards (0.97 miles)
  • Projectile Flight Time (at 5°): 5.81 seconds
  • Maximum Range (at 15°): 3,650 yards (2.07 miles)
  • Projectiles: Round Balls, 166 lb. Solid Shot or 133.5 lb. Shells
HISTORY OF THE MONITOR'S DAHLGRENS

John Ericsson had been assured that two XI-inch Dahlgren shell guns would be provided for the new Monitor project. When it was discovered that the intended guns had not shipped, and were not available, a search for available guns was made. The U.S.S. Dacotah which just happened to be docked nearby, had two slide-mounted pivot guns installed, these just happened to be lightly used XI-inch Dahlgren Shell Guns, Registry numbers 27 & 28. It was just what they needed.​
The Dahlgren guns were removed from Dacotah, and mounted aboard the Monitor, inside the new armored rotating turret.​
Back in 1860, before the Monitor was designed, during a test firing, a Dahlgren shell gun exploded. To prevent any catastrophic gun bursting within the confined turret on the Monitor, each of the XI-inch Dahlgren guns was restricted to using 15-lb gunpowder charges by the always cautious Commander John Dahlgren.​
When the Monitor entered it's first Battle at Hampton Roads, it fired it's Dahlgrens in anger against the C.S.S. Virginia, formerly the Merrimack. Forty-one shots were fired by the Monitor in that engagement, but with the restricted gunpowder charge of 15 lbs., even though the 165 lb. solid shot easily dented and scuffed the armor plate on the Virginia, it didn't do any serious damage to the iron-clad vessel.​
Tests conducted after the battle confirmed that using 30 lbs. of black powder in the 11-inch Dahlgren would have easily punctured the Virginia's hull.​
After the Battle of Hampton Roads, the Monitor attempted to engage the Virginia when it came out on May 8th, firing a few shots at distance, but the Virginia didn't take the bait. The Confederates abandonded the City of Richmond a few days later, burning the Virginia in their wake.​
Free from patrolling the Virginia, the Monitor moved on to participate in the Battle of Drewry's Bluff, firing at a few targets with the Dahlgrens and scoring hits, but finding it difficult to elevate their guns effectively at short range.​
When the U.S.S. Monitor was ordered to move down to North Carolina in late December, it took a voyage that it wouldn't sail home from. In the evening of December 30th, a storm hit off the coast of Cape Hatteras, and waves caused the ship to take on water and begin sinking. Later that night the doomed ship took 16 men with it to the sea floor, and the two XI-inch Dahlgren Shell Guns.​
ARTIFACT RECOVERY
  • Wreck of USS Monitor Discovered: August, 27, 1973
  • Location of Wreck: 35°0′6″N 75°24′23″W, designated as Monitor National Marine Sanctuary
    • Atlantic Ocean, about 16 mile SSE of Cape Hatteras Lighthouse, North Carolina, about 230' below the surface.
  • Turret / Dahlgrens Recovery Date: August 5, 2002
  • Dahlgrens Current Disposition: Undergoing Conservation at the Mariners' Museum in Newport News, Virginia
After the turret was raised in 2002, conservators began the long process of excavating the fragile cannons from the turret and stabilizing them. The cannons were removed from the turret in 2004 and placed in conservation tanks. The guns underwent an extended soaking process to remove chlorides from the iron. This process took approximately five years. Additional work to remove concretions outside and inside the guns has been completed. Both guns are currently undergoing electrolytic reduction and desalination in the Batten Conservation Laboratory Complex.​

1577682522668.png
1577682572023.png
1577682490364.png

Photos, L to R: USS Monitor Turret Recovery 2002, Monitor's Dahlgrens going into Conservation Tanks,
and Excavating the Bore of one of the Monitor's Dahlgrens. Photos from NOAA.gov
official report
Navy Official Reports, North Atlantic Blockading Squadron
Report of Lieutenant Jeffers, U. S. Navy
Regarding ammunition expended by the U. S. S. Monitor

U. S. CASED BATTERY MONITOR,
Hampton Roads, March 16, 1862.

SIR: In answer to your enquiry I have to report that the Monitor expended forty-one solid cast-iron shot in her engagement with the Merrimack, equally divided between guns 27 and 28.

On inspection of the bore with a mirror no trace of injury can be observed. I have no means of examining the vent by taking an impression.

Unless absolutely necessary I shall fire no more cast-iron solid shot, as I am satisfied that shells are not more liable to fracture. The bronze coated shot I shall reserve for especial occasion. The wrought-iron shot I shall send on shore to remove the temptation to fire them. I am satisfied that the Merrimack can not seriously injure the Monitor, but an explosion of a gun might destroy the turret.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

WM. N. JEFFERS,
Lieutenant, Commanding.​
Flag-Officer L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH,
Commanding North Atlantic Blockading Squadron.
NAVY OR, Series I--Volume 7, From March 8 To September 4, 1862. pp. 1-81

FOR FURTHER READING
  • The Story of the Monitor: The First Naval Conflict Between Ironclad Vessels - Archive.ORG (Free)
    by William S. Wells, Issued by the Cornelius S. Bushnell National Memorial Association, New Haven, CT; 1899.
  • Shells, and Shell-guns by John Dahlgren, King & Baird, Philadelphia, 1856. - Google (Free)
  • The Big Guns: Civil War Siege, Seacoast and Naval Cannon
    Olmstead, Edwin, Wayne E. Stark, and Spencer C. Tucker, Alexandria Bay, NY: Museum Restoration Service, 1997.
ASSOCIATED LINKS
 
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What force?
If there are two identical round balls at different velocities, upon which the same force acts (e.g. gravity), then the faster round ball will feel the same effect in a given time but will strike the target sooner and thus have less total effect.

If the force differs according to velocity, then of course the balls will be affected in a different way. Which force are you thinking of, and how does it scale with velocity? (That second bit is important.)

All of this has already been discussed in this thread with links to examples. You have even quoted it. Please stop this nonsense and simply do the necessary work to understand and accept what you are unwilling to see.
 
All of this has already been discussed in this thread with links to examples. You have even quoted it. Please stop this nonsense and simply do the necessary work to understand and accept what you are unwilling to see.
I've quoted it, but I've also asked how it makes any kind of sense.

If you're talking about destabilization, how does a sphere destabilize? Are you claiming in fact that a sphere can be destabilized by dropping below the sound barrier?
If so, how? A non-spherical projectile is destabilized because the orientation becomes random, but a sphere is always the same no matter which way you look at it by definition.


If you're calling it nonsense that I say a sphere is a sphere no matter which way it's oriented, well, I don't know what to say, except that clearly there's something fundamentally basic that one of us is repeatedly missing; if you think it's me, point it out.

If it's not destabilization, say so and that will close off destabilization at least so I can try and work out what else it is.
 
In the AR Collins linked page, which talks about projectile velocity for a smoothbore at different velocities, he discusses how the drag is greater at higher velocities (especially supersonic ones).

This is certainly the case, and I don't think either I nor 67th has ever disputed that. However, these things remain the case:

A) For a spherical projectile of a given muzzle velocity, the effect of drag is *constant* over different firings. To put it another way, if you fired ten cannonballs at 1,400 feet per second (i.e. supersonically) then drag would affect them all identically.

B) This effect drops off with lowered velocity, and it is therefore impossible for a faster projectile at the muzzle to be physically overtaken by a projectile that was slower at the muzzle.



With this in mind, I'm going to define and use a few terms. The reason for my defining them is so as to ensure that it's clear what I mean.



When a smoothbore weapon is fired, the following points can be said to exist.

1) The point at which the gun is physically pointed. This is the place that a laser pointer on the gun would make a red dot, at the moment of firing. It is constant.

2) The point at which the ball is instantaneously aimed, at the moment it leaves the barrel. This is random as it results from the last-bounce of the projectile in the barrel, which we could call "muzzle vector".
This point is randomly distributed about point (1), and for the same cannon fired at different velocities there should be no difference between the spread of (2) - or if there is, a higher velocity cannonball will have a tighter spread of (2).

3) The point at which the ball will strike the ground, considering only gravity and assuming there is no random spread of "muzzle vector". This point is constant for a given muzzle velocity, because there is no variation.

4) The point at which the ball will strike the ground, considering only gravity and "muzzle vector".

This point is randomly distributed about point (3), and for the same reasons as point (2) is randomly distributed about point (1).


5) The point at which the ball will strike the ground, considering only gravity and drag.

This point is also constant, because for a given muzzle velocity the drag profile is constant through the air. It affects a ball more strongly if the muzzle velocity is greater, but it does so in a predictable and consistent way and so point (5) is constant for a given muzzle velocity.

6) The point at which the ball will strike the ground, considering gravity, drag and "muzzle vector".

This point is randomly distributed about point (5) for the same reasons as point (4) and (2).


7) The point at which the ball will strike the ground, considering the above factors plus also wind and the Magnus effect.

These two factors (wind and the magnus effect) act over time, and consequently a higher velocity projectile (which has a shorter flight time) will have less time for them to act on it. The random distribution caused by those factors is smaller for a projectile at higher velocities.


A cannon has been aimed correctly if point (5) is on top of the target, and for a given muzzle velocity and range point (5) is predictable because it does not vary. The random factors of "muzzle vector", wind and the magnus effect have a different effect on each shoot at the same muzzle velocity, but the effects of gravity and drag are constant for each shoot at the same muzzle velocity.

Since the only parts of those random factors which vary with muzzle velocity are amplified in effect at lower muzzle velocity, we should expect a higher velocity projectile to be more accurate.
 
I've quoted it, but I've also asked how it makes any kind of sense.

If you're talking about destabilization, how does a sphere destabilize? Are you claiming in fact that a sphere can be destabilized by dropping below the sound barrier?
If so, how? A non-spherical projectile is destabilized because the orientation becomes random, but a sphere is always the same no matter which way you look at it by definition.


If you're calling it nonsense that I say a sphere is a sphere no matter which way it's oriented, well, I don't know what to say, except that clearly there's something fundamentally basic that one of us is repeatedly missing; if you think it's me, point it out.

If it's not destabilization, say so and that will close off destabilization at least so I can try and work out what else it is.

Look, you already know, and to my knowledge have known for months, that a projectile that has a muzzle velocity above a certain point (roughly the speed of sound, which varies a little according to conditions) acts differently than a projectile that starts with a muzzle velocity below that point. You know this as a fact. There is no disputing this. You also know why that is. You know that the effects described are real. You seem to be trying to obsessively attribute these to "destabilization" of an elongated projectile and claim they will therefore have no affect upon a round ball.

The projectile is subject to outside force as it slows down. Once it gets below that velocity point, the characteristics of the same projectile will match. A round ball fired at a high velocity will have different flight characteristics above the speed of sound than it does below the speed of sound. Once the high velocity round ball falls below the speed of sound, it will have the same flight characteristics as an identical round ball fired at a muzzle velocity below the speed of sound. This means that in mid-flight the flight characteristics change. This is because of the force being applied to the high velocity round ball as it slows down, increasing as it approaches that velocity, and ceasing after it falls below the crucial velocity.

You know, absolutely for sure, what that force is. You know it exists. It has been included in the discussion.

So, what is it you say happens to that high velocity round ball when it decelerates toward the speed of sound? You know force is applied to it. There is a building shockwave as it slows. What happens?

BTW, there are also some differences that occur in the flight characteristics of round balls based on size. IIRR, the dividing line is somewhere near 4 inches in diameter and the differences occur below the speed of sound. As I have noted before, I am not a ballistics expert and that is simply based on memory of something I read sometime.

As I have said before, I am neither a physicist nor a ballistician. Since undergraduate days, my mathematics has only been used in application work on things like computer science, arbitrage work, metallurgy, etc. If something I have said is too imprecise for you, blame it on that. The site MISCELLANY: MISCELLANEOUS TECHNICAL ARTICLES BY Dr A R COLLINS I have mentioned a few times probably has more detailed mathematics if you want to look through them.
 
So, what is it you say happens to that high velocity round ball when it decelerates toward the speed of sound? You know force is applied to it. There is a building shockwave as it slows. What happens?
Well, it passes through the speed of sound and the drag forces on the ball change as a result. However, they do so in a consistent and predictable way, and so the same cannonball doing this several times will be affected the same way several times over - which makes the whole trajectory predictable.

The fact the forces on the ball change at different velocities does not make the ball inaccurate. Forces on the ball being different for different firings at the same muzzle velocity would be what made it inaccurate.
 
You seem to be trying to obsessively attribute these to "destabilization" of an elongated projectile and claim they will therefore have no affect upon a round ball.
For the record, I was not obsessively trying to attribute it to destabilization - I was talking about it because you mentioned it:


Supersonic projectiles suffer from an inherent instability when the speed drops back below the sound barrier. This would apply to both small arms and cannons.
The closer to the sound barrier the velocity is, the sooner the drop below the speed of sound, the earlier the instability occurs. The earlier it occurs, the more it is likely to affect accuracy.
Yes. You are simply thinking wrong about the problem: all projectiles will be destabilized as they drop through the sound barrier.
Round spheres that are supersonic also experience destabilization effects when their speed drops below the speed of sound -- which are not experienced by round spheres which are only subsonic.


Multiple times, including specifying that it happened to round spheres.
 
For the record, I was not obsessively trying to attribute it to destabilization - I was talking about it because you mentioned it:

Multiple times, including specifying that it happened to round spheres.

The effect happens. If "destabilization" is the wrong word for it -- as you and @67th Tigers seem to think -- so be it.

But again: you know force is applied to the round ball. You know when. You know how. You have link to a discussion of it. What do you say is the effect of the force applied to the round ball?
 
But again: you know force is applied to the round ball. You know when. You know how. You have link to a discussion of it. What do you say is the effect of the force applied to the round ball?
It slows down, in a consistent and predictable way that does not change between firings of the same cannon with the same orientation.


What this means is that, if you point a cannonball upwards at 5 degrees and fire it at 1,400 fps, such that it drops to 800 fps by the time it strikes the target, it will undergo a consistent velocity profile. The only things preventing it from following exactly the same trajectory every time are the Magnus effect, the random last bounce out of the barell, and the wind.
 
Indeed, because apart from the Magnus effect, which is somewhat intertwined with the last bounce (since the spin is likely to be along that axis), nothing apart from a crosswind really deflects the ball.

Cannon balls have Reynolds numbers above 10^5, and so aren't in oscillating flow.

1-s2.0-S2214914715000835-dt163-fig-0006.jpg


flowcyl-1.jpg


When the Reynolds number drops to 1,000, then unsteady oscillating flow starts, which can disturb the ball.

For an 11" ball in the transonic regime, the Reynolds number is ca. 1*10^7. The ball is so large that it never enters the unsteady oscillating region at all.
 
It slows down, in a consistent and predictable way that does not change between firings of the same cannon with the same orientation.


What this means is that, if you point a cannonball upwards at 5 degrees and fire it at 1,400 fps, such that it drops to 800 fps by the time it strikes the target, it will undergo a consistent velocity profile. The only things preventing it from following exactly the same trajectory every time are the Magnus effect, the random last bounce out of the barell, and the wind.

I think you are obscuring data here to make sure your claim sounds good to you.

You know that the same gun firing the same ball with the same orientation will not produce the same results at different muzzle velocities. Your statement conveniently ignores what you know to be the cause of the difference. You have had this pointed out to you many times, so you obviously know it is true.

You know that the ballistic effects of that muzzle velocity difference are not consistent from one shot to another in the point being discussed.

The flight of the two shots will not have the same ballistic trajectory.

Use a formula that will work accurately for the low-velocity firing and it will not work accurately for the high-velocity firing.

Use a formula that will work accurately for the high-velocity firing and it will not work accurately for the low-velocity firing.

Dahlgren noticed that accuracy decreased at higher velocities, but could not explain it. It was one of the reasons he favored smaller powder charges. He could see the inaccuracy in his test results, but he could not gather the data to determine why it was there. Not surprising, since no one had the tools needed or the knowledge of fluid dynamics involved that would have led to an accurate solution. No one actually seems to speak of a "sound barrier" until about the time of World War II

Once again: What do you say is the effect of the force applied to the round ball?
 
The flight of the two shots will not have the same ballistic trajectory.

Use a formula that will work accurately for the low-velocity firing and it will not work accurately for the high-velocity firing.

Use a formula that will work accurately for the high-velocity firing and it will not work accurately for the low-velocity firing.
I think there is a fundamental misunderstanding here of what I am claiming, in terms of what "accuracy" means. I've never claimed that you can use the same formula for high and low velocity firing - but that you can use a formula, or an empirical rule, for high velocity firing.


What I consider "accuracy" to mean is that you can point a gun, based on information you can know in advance (i.e. before putting the spark to the powder charge) and that the shot will hit close to your point of aim. The trajectory of a high velocity ball can be known in advance to at least the same extent that the different trajectory of a low velocity ball can be known in advance.

I do not dispute that a high velocity ball will follow a different trajectory to a low velocity ball. What I am arguing is that a high velocity ball will follow the same trajectory, or a very similar one, to another high velocity ball.


The reason that's what I think accuracy means is that a low velocity ball has to be aimed according to range and elevation tables anyway (e.g. 1.5 degrees elevation = 800 yards, that kind of thing), and those tables differ depending on muzzle velocity anyway.



Dahlgren noticed that accuracy decreased at higher velocities, but could not explain it.
Would you be so kind as to provide a citation to this effect?
 
Once again: What do you say is the effect of the force applied to the round ball?
The ball slows down, and it does so in a way that is consistent if fired more than once at the same powder charge (i.e. initial velocity). That makes the trajectory consistent, and a consistent trajectory can be used to aim with.

Certainly it has a greater deviation from how the projectile would travel under gravity alone than a low velocity round ball does.
 
I've converted the equations from the linked site into my programming language of preference, and here are four trajectories.

All four are for 11 inch iron cannonballs at 5 degrees elevation.

Blue = 1400 fps, no drag.
Green = 1400 fps, drag.
Orange = 1000 fps, no drag.
Red = 1000 fps, drag.

All four were run until the cannonball returned to the ground, having been fired on a flat plain. The velocity, drag and position were recalculated 1000 times per second.

1666818665697.png


@trice, would it be correct to say that the difference between green/blue being greater than the difference between orange/red is what you refer to as inaccuracy here? I'm not trying to put words in your mouth but I hoped a visual aid might clarify things.
 
Per further tweaking with my code, here's a range table for the Dahlgren 11" firing at 1400 feet per second. Elevation is in degrees, range in metres.


Runelevation (deg)range (m)time_of_flight (s)impact_velocity (m/s)
1
0.25​
156​
0.38​
401​
2
0.50​
300​
0.75​
380​
3
0.75​
433​
1.11​
361​
4
1.00​
558​
1.46​
346​
5
1.25​
676​
1.81​
332​
6
1.50​
787​
2.15​
320​
7
1.75​
893​
2.48​
310​
8
2.00​
993​
2.82​
301​
9
2.25​
1089​
3.14​
293​
10
2.50​
1181​
3.46​
285​
11
2.75​
1270​
3.77​
279​
12
3.00​
1355​
4.09​
273​
13
3.25​
1438​
4.39​
268​
14
3.50​
1518​
4.70​
263​
15
3.75​
1595​
5.00​
259​
16
4.00​
1670​
5.29​
255​
17
4.25​
1743​
5.58​
251​
18
4.50​
1815​
5.87​
248​
19
4.75​
1884​
6.16​
245​
20
5.00​
1952​
6.44​
242​


This obviously took a lot of calculations by computer, which isn't feasible in the 1850s, but empirically determining these values (or the true equivalents) is feasible simply by firing the gun a lot of times. Fire on a flat surface 15-20 times at a given elevation, recording the points of impact of each cannonball, and you have the range value for this table at least.


Interestingly, at this muzzle velocity the projectile remains supersonic until the range corresponding to about 1 degree elevation, which on a flat surface is about 600 metres. It retains a higher velocity than 1,000 fps for almost two seconds, corresponding to a range of 900-1000 metres.

This can be defined as the range over which a 1400 fps Dahlgren has greater penetration power than is possible for a 1,000 fps dahlgren at point blank range. This is the scale of the sacrifice made by going to 1,000 fps instead of 1,400.
 
My use of the word "inaccuracy" is this: the shot will be less likely to hit where the gunner believes it will.
 
My use of the word "inaccuracy" is this: the shot will be less likely to hit where the gunner believes it will.
Okay. So if the gunner has a range table which takes the different drag at different velocities into account?

For example, if I am a gunner and I have a range table of the sort shown above, and the target is 500 metres away, and I elevate to fire at 0.9 degrees elevation, surely that is the correct elevation and the round is, thus, accurate?
 
Okay. So if the gunner has a range table which takes the different drag at different velocities into account?

For example, if I am a gunner and I have a range table of the sort shown above, and the target is 500 metres away, and I elevate to fire at 0.9 degrees elevation, surely that is the correct elevation and the round is, thus, accurate?

How would the gunner get such a table?

Put yourself in the late 1850s. Dahlgren is one of the world's greatest authorities on gunnery (some would say the best of them). Dahlgren does not know what is going on. He believes that at some point muzzle velocity becomes too high. He thinks that it then begins to degrade accuracy and has some results that lend credence to that idea. Dahlgren has enough data to know something is happening that he cannot explain exactly, but he does not know what it is.

At the same time, Dahlgren also believes that high muzzle velocity (and the higher powder charges that go with it) shorten the life of the gun and lead to explosive failures of the gun when fired. He himself almost died during a test firing from such a failure (the gunner did). Dahlgren is looking for long service life -- which also means guns that the gun-crew will trust not to kill them.

Along with this, Dahlgren has to deal with real-world practical limitations. Before the Civil War, Dahlgren cannot even get permission to test guns to see if they can penetrate ironclad targets. He has budgetary constraints. He has functional limitations in his testing facility. He has superiors who are firmly wedded to the past and resist everything he proposes.

I would say that an attempt to investigate what was happening might easily involve a very long and repetitive series of test firings that would be tracked and recorded. It would have been dangerous to some degree to attempt it. It would have been expensive and probably been considered wasteful. Most likely, Dahlgren would need a new firing range in order to undertake it (he actually did get a new one when he undertook extensive testing for the needs of the Civil War). Since he cannot even get permission to do test-firings on armor penetration, I would think he has no chance of getting permission to conduct expensive tests for a condition he cannot even define very well.

Beyond that, the entire question of high-muzzle-velocity accuracy issues would probably be no higher than third on the list of concerns for gun-testing, quite possibly lower than that.

Possibly such an effort might produce a range chart such as you describe. It would probably have been useful if it existed. Since there might well be more than one cause-and-effect interacting, the results might not be anywhere near as clear-cut as you think.
 
How would the gunner get such a table?

Put yourself in the late 1850s. Dahlgren is one of the world's greatest authorities on gunnery (some would say the best of them). Dahlgren does not know what is going on. He believes that at some point muzzle velocity becomes too high. He thinks that it then begins to degrade accuracy and has some results that lend credence to that idea. Dahlgren has enough data to know something is happening that he cannot explain exactly, but he does not know what it is.

At the same time, Dahlgren also believes that high muzzle velocity (and the higher powder charges that go with it) shorten the life of the gun and lead to explosive failures of the gun when fired. He himself almost died during a test firing from such a failure (the gunner did). Dahlgren is looking for long service life -- which also means guns that the gun-crew will trust not to kill them.

Along with this, Dahlgren has to deal with real-world practical limitations. Before the Civil War, Dahlgren cannot even get permission to test guns to see if they can penetrate ironclad targets. He has budgetary constraints. He has functional limitations in his testing facility. He has superiors who are firmly wedded to the past and resist everything he proposes.

I would say that an attempt to investigate what was happening might easily involve a very long and repetitive series of test firings that would be tracked and recorded. It would have been dangerous to some degree to attempt it. It would have been expensive and probably been considered wasteful. Most likely, Dahlgren would need a new firing range in order to undertake it (he actually did get a new one when he undertook extensive testing for the needs of the Civil War). Since he cannot even get permission to do test-firings on armor penetration, I would think he has no chance of getting permission to conduct expensive tests for a condition he cannot even define very well.

Beyond that, the entire question of high-muzzle-velocity accuracy issues would probably be no higher than third on the list of concerns for gun-testing, quite possibly lower than that.

Possibly such an effort might produce a range chart such as you describe. It would probably have been useful if it existed. Since there might well be more than one cause-and-effect interacting, the results might not be anywhere near as clear-cut as you think.
Regarding a table of fire that accurately accounts for "different drag at different velocities", I am uncertain where a U.S. gunner would get such a table at the time of the Civil War. The authoritative treatise on ordnance was Benton and IIRC he had one relatively short chapter on exterior ballistics. Gibbon's Artillerist's Manual doesn't delve into this subject in detail. The math in this area became much more a matter of interest for Ordnance and the Army later in the 19th century and into the 20th.
 
How would the gunner get such a table?
By the designer firing the gun at different elevations (several times each) to determine the location at which it lands.

It's not like you need to do it at all that many different elevations. This is the plot of distance versus elevation for the 1,400 fps muzzle velocity, calculated with motion at 1,000 times per second:

1666891776499.png


It's not quite a straight line, but if you interpolate between full degrees you're almost exactly correct except at close range:


elevation (deg)
range (m)
time_of_flight (s)
impact_velocity (m/s)
interpolated range​
Error in interpolation​
0.25​
156​
0.38​
401​
139.5​
16.5​
0.5​
300​
0.75​
380​
216.5​
83.5​
0.75​
433​
1.11​
361​
418.5​
14.5​
1​
558​
1.46​
346​
558​
0​
1.25​
676​
1.81​
332​
666.75​
9.25​
1.5​
787​
2.15​
320​
775.5​
11.5​
1.75​
893​
2.48​
310​
884.25​
8.75​
2​
993​
2.82​
301​
993​
0​
2.25​
1089​
3.14​
293​
1083.5​
5.5​
2.5​
1181​
3.46​
285​
1174​
7​
2.75​
1270​
3.77​
279​
1264.5​
5.5​
3​
1355​
4.09​
273​
1355​
0​
3.25​
1438​
4.39​
268​
1433.75​
4.25​
3.5​
1518​
4.7​
263​
1512.5​
5.5​
3.75​
1595​
5​
259​
1591.25​
3.75​
4​
1670​
5.29​
255​
1670​
0​
4.25​
1743​
5.58​
251​
1740.5​
2.5​
4.5​
1815​
5.87​
248​
1811​
4​
4.75​
1884​
6.16​
245​
1881.5​
2.5​
5​
1952​
6.44​
242​
1952​
0​



So to get an almost complete range table out to 2,000 m (which is easily enough for naval combat) you'd need to do experiments of firing at 0.5, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 degrees; at that point, simple interpolation gets you within 12 metres of the true value for all elevations less than 5 degrees. It could probably be done during the proof firing to test that the gun could take that powder load, since all it requires is extra book-keeping for shots you're firing anyway.

William P. Buckner's tables (which are official 1865 US Navy tables for range) actually start based on ranges found from experiment anyway, they just use a different formula for interpolation instead of simple linear interpolation. But simple linear interpolation is close enough here.

This is a lot closer than you'd get by assuming a parabolic trajectory, even for a muzzle velocity of 1,000 fps. At 1,000 fps and 2 degrees elevation, no-drag gives you an expected range of 661 metres; the true value with drag is 591 metres.

There is no way to get an accurate range table without actual experiment anyway - the air drag even of a subsonic projectile is simply large enough that you have to do experimentation to get starting values, and you interpolate from there in some way.
 
Regarding a table of fire that accurately accounts for "different drag at different velocities", I am uncertain where a U.S. gunner would get such a table at the time of the Civil War. The authoritative treatise on ordnance was Benton and IIRC he had one relatively short chapter on exterior ballistics. Gibbon's Artillerist's Manual doesn't delve into this subject in detail.
As noted, Buckner's table from 1865 explicitly uses an interpolation formula based on drag and values found by experiment. All that is necessary to give a starting point is values found by experiment, and you can interpolate between the two values after that.

There's error-compounding calculations you can do to work out how uncertain each individual value found by experiment would be, depending on the gun's deviation at given ranges.
 

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