So my question is why should have Lincoln put more weight on Hulberts report about states that he never visited then he would on newspaper articles and other people coming from those states themselves?
I find Richard N. Current's
Lincoln and the First Shot informative and a handy source to turn to for the events leading up to the firing on Fort Sumter. But my interest here is not to discuss every intention, intrigue, etc. by either side -- the book is there for those interested. My interest, for this purpose of this thread, was there anything to indicate, as some on this forum would have us to believe, that President Davis' decision to fire on Fort Sumter was predicated by fear that if he didn't open on the fort soon these supposedly numerous, hard core unionists might lead the seceded states back into the old union. My emphasis in my posts have been the Hurlbut Report to Lincoln. I have typed what Current has to say from the beginning of Chapter 3 (Decision) to his first end note. The end note includes seven sources not all dealing directly with the Hurlbut Report but I included it all here lest I be accused of leaving something out.
Current doesn't address how Hurlbut obtained his information about the state of unionism in all states except for Lousiana and Texas, but it seems reasonable that if there were any hard cord unionists in the South, some of them would have been trusted enough by Lincoln government to get that information to Hurlbut in South Carolina.
Richard N. Current Lincoln and the First Shot Chapter 3 (Decision) pp.71-75
During the next several days, while hesitating, Lincoln undertook to test some of the assumptions on which his advisor based their advice. Was it, after all, impossible to provide relief for Sumter without grave risks of both bloodshed and failure? Was it really probable that, as Bates and Seward argued, a retreat from Sumter would bring about an upsurge of Unionist feeling, a rebellion against the rebellion, throughout the South?
To learn more about the practicability of a provisioning expedition, Montgomery Blair proposed that his brother- in-law Fox make an on-the-spot investigation, and Lincoln told Fox to go ahead. "Our Uncle Abe Lincoln has taken high esteem of me," Fox wrote to his wife, "and wishes me to take dispatches to Major Anderson at Fort Sumpter with regard to its final evacuation and to obtain a clear statement of his condition which his letters, probably guarded, do not fully exhibit." Fox thought it advisable thus to mislead his wife about the impending "final evacuation," lest his true mission leak out through some tampering with his mail or through some indiscretion on her part.
Fox returned to Washington and reported to Lincoln 0n March 25. He had reached the fort after dark four days earlier, he said, and had remained there two hours. Anderson told him that an entrance from the sea was out of the question. "But as we looked upon the water from the parapet," Fox now said, "it seemed very feasible. More especially as we heard the oars of a boat near the fort, which sentries hailed, but we could not see through the darkness until she almost touched the landing." Anderson informed him that the provisions on hand might be stretched, but only by putting the men on short rations. "I made no arrangements with Major Anderson for reinforcing or supplying the fort, nor did I inform him of my plan."
During the next few days Fox talked frequently with Blair and Lincoln. "Blair is nearly run to death with office seekers." He wrote his wife. "The president is equally beset. I have seen Abe often, also Mrs. L. She is lady like, converses easily, dresses well and has the Kentucky pronunciation like old Mrs. Blair," that is, like Mrs. Fox's mother.
Meanwhile, to find out more about Southern Unionism, Lincoln sent another mission to Charleston. The man he chose for this, Stephen S. Hurlbut, seemed well suited for the job. Hurlbut was an old Illinois friend of Lincoln's, but he had been born and raised in Charleston, and still had friends there. On March 21 he happened to be in Washington, and Lincoln called him to the White House. Lincoln said to him: Seward maintains that Unionism is potentially strong in the South, even in the state of South Carolina itself. Go and see. Hurlbut agreed to go, and with him went another of Lincoln's old acquaintances, Ward H. Lamon (the man who had served as Lincoln's body guard on that unscheduled February train ride to Washington).
Hurlburt and Lamon spent two days in Charleston, Hurlbut staying at his sister's home, Lamon at a hotel. Hurlbut visited a number of former friends and neighbors. Taking Lamon surreptitiously along, he talked for more than two hours with James L. Petigru under whom he once studied law. Petigru was a witty and likable old man, as well as a distinguish one. At the time South Carolina seceded he had been quoted as saying that the state was too small for a nation and too large for an insane asylum. After leaving Petigru, Hurlburt and Lamon separated again to avoid arousing the suspicion that Hurlbut was Lincoln's agent. Lamon attracted much the more public attention. He made a trip to Fort Sumter and gave Anderson to believe that the fort was about to be abandoned. He saw the governor of South Carolina, Francis W. Pickens and told him the same thing. Actually Lamon was acting more as Seward's agent than as Lincoln's. Before departing Charleston he wrote to Seward that he was "satisfied of the policy and propriety of immediately evacuating Fort Sumter."
Back in Washington, on March 27, Hurlbut filled sixteen foolscap pages with his report to the president. There is, he said "no attachment to the Union" among the Carolinians. The Stars and Stripes are nowhere to be see except at Sumter. Petigru is the only Unionist left in Charleston. Unionism appears to be almost as dead elsewhere in the South. "I solemnly believe that the Seven States are irrevocably gone – except perhaps Texas and Louisiana, as to which I have no information." So much for that, Hurlbut also puts into his report many other observations that might provide food for thought:
Item. "I learned from one of the pilots, an acquaintance in former years, that the vessels sunk to obstruct the Ship Channel had not had that effect but had been swept by the force of the current, making but a slight alteration to the bar."
Item. "I have no doubt that a ship known to contain provisions for Sumpter would be stopped & refused admittance. Even the moderate men who desire not to open fire, [who] believe in the safer policy of time and starvation" – even these men would approve firing upon a provisioning expedition if one is sent.
Item. If Sumter is abandoned, "undoubtedly this will be followed by a demand for Pickens and the Keys of the Gulf," that is, Pickens and the other two forts in Florida.
Item. "It is my deliberate judgment, from long acquaintance with the people and country of So. Carolina and… in a modified form with the other seceding States, that the attempt to fulfill the duties of the Executive Office in enforcing the laws & authority of the U.S. within their limits will be war, in fact, War
In which the seceding states will be united and the other discredited."
On the same day he received that report, Lincoln also had other things to occupy his time, among them the duty of greeting a foreign ambassador, Chevalier Bertinatti. Dressed in all his finery, the Chevalier arrived at the White House with the Secretary of State Seward, his son, Fred Seward, and London Times correspondent, William H. Russell. Soon there entered, as Russell viewed him, a tall, lank, lean man with a shambling loose gait and with long pendulous arms, a man dressed in an ill-fitting, wrinkled black suit and a shirt with a turned down collar that revealed a sinewy, muscular yellow neck, "As he advanced through the room," Russell afterwards wrote, " he evidently controlled a desire to shake hands all around with everybody, and smiled good humouredly till he was suddenly brought up by the staid deportment of Mr. Seward, and by the profound diplomatic bows of the Chevalier Bertinatti." Russell had no understanding of the weight that lay on Lincoln's mind and spirit. 1
Richard N. Current Lincoln and the First Shot Chapter 3 (Decision) pp.71-75
During the next several days, while hesitating, Lincoln undertook to test some of the assumptions on which his advisor based their advice. Was it, after all, impossible to provide relief for Sumter without grave risks of both bloodshed and failure? Was it really probable that, as Bates and Seward argued, a retreat from Sumter would bring about an upsurge of Unionist feeling, a rebellion against the rebellion, throughout the South?
To learn more about the practicability of a provisioning expedition, Montgomery Blair proposed that his brother- in-law Fox make an on-the-spot investigation, and Lincoln told Fox to go ahead. "Our Uncle Abe Lincoln has taken high esteem of me," Fox wrote to his wife, "and wishes me to take dispatches to Major Anderson at Fort Sumpter with regard to its final evacuation and to obtain a clear statement of his condition which his letters, probably guarded, do not fully exhibit." Fox thought it advisable thus to mislead his wife about the impending "final evacuation," lest his true mission leak out through some tampering with his mail or through some indiscretion on her part.
Fox returned to Washington and reported to Lincoln 0n March 25. He had reached the fort after dark four days earlier, he said, and had remained there two hours. Anderson told him that an entrance from the sea was out of the question. "But as we looked upon the water from the parapet," Fox now said, "it seemed very feasible. More especially as we heard the oars of a boat near the fort, which sentries hailed, but we could not see through the darkness until she almost touched the landing." Anderson informed him that the provisions on hand might be stretched, but only by putting the men on short rations. "I made no arrangements with Major Anderson for reinforcing or supplying the fort, nor did I inform him of my plan."
During the next few days Fox talked frequently with Blair and Lincoln. "Blair is nearly run to death with office seekers." He wrote his wife. "The president is equally beset. I have seen Abe often, also Mrs. L. She is lady like, converses easily, dresses well and has the Kentucky pronunciation like old Mrs. Blair," that is, like Mrs. Fox's mother.
Meanwhile, to find out more about Southern Unionism, Lincoln sent another mission to Charleston. The man he chose for this, Stephen S. Hurlbut, seemed well suited for the job. Hurlbut was an old Illinois friend of Lincoln's, but he had been born and raised in Charleston, and still had friends there. On March 21 he happened to be in Washington, and Lincoln called him to the White House. Lincoln said to him: Seward maintains that Unionism is potentially strong in the South, even in the state of South Carolina itself. Go and see. Hurlbut agreed to go, and with him went another of Lincoln's old acquaintances, Ward H. Lamon (the man who had served as Lincoln's body guard on that unscheduled February train ride to Washington).
Hurlburt and Lamon spent two days in Charleston, Hurlbut staying at his sister's home, Lamon at a hotel. Hurlbut visited a number of former friends and neighbors. Taking Lamon surreptitiously along, he talked for more than two hours with James L. Petigru under whom he once studied law. Petigru was a witty and likable old man, as well as a distinguish one. At the time South Carolina seceded he had been quoted as saying that the state was too small for a nation and too large for an insane asylum. After leaving Petigru, Hurlburt and Lamon separated again to avoid arousing the suspicion that Hurlbut was Lincoln's agent. Lamon attracted much the more public attention. He made a trip to Fort Sumter and gave Anderson to believe that the fort was about to be abandoned. He saw the governor of South Carolina, Francis W. Pickens and told him the same thing. Actually Lamon was acting more as Seward's agent than as Lincoln's. Before departing Charleston he wrote to Seward that he was "satisfied of the policy and propriety of immediately evacuating Fort Sumter."
Back in Washington, on March 27, Hurlbut filled sixteen foolscap pages with his report to the president. There is, he said "no attachment to the Union" among the Carolinians. The Stars and Stripes are nowhere to be see except at Sumter. Petigru is the only Unionist left in Charleston. Unionism appears to be almost as dead elsewhere in the South. "I solemnly believe that the Seven States are irrevocably gone – except perhaps Texas and Louisiana, as to which I have no information." So much for that, Hurlbut also puts into his report many other observations that might provide food for thought:
Item. "I learned from one of the pilots, an acquaintance in former years, that the vessels sunk to obstruct the Ship Channel had not had that effect but had been swept by the force of the current, making but a slight alteration to the bar."
Item. "I have no doubt that a ship known to contain provisions for Sumpter would be stopped & refused admittance. Even the moderate men who desire not to open fire, [who] believe in the safer policy of time and starvation" – even these men would approve firing upon a provisioning expedition if one is sent.
Item. If Sumter is abandoned, "undoubtedly this will be followed by a demand for Pickens and the Keys of the Gulf," that is, Pickens and the other two forts in Florida.
Item. "It is my deliberate judgment, from long acquaintance with the people and country of So. Carolina and… in a modified form with the other seceding States, that the attempt to fulfill the duties of the Executive Office in enforcing the laws & authority of the U.S. within their limits will be war, in fact, War
In which the seceding states will be united and the other discredited."
On the same day he received that report, Lincoln also had other things to occupy his time, among them the duty of greeting a foreign ambassador, Chevalier Bertinatti. Dressed in all his finery, the Chevalier arrived at the White House with the Secretary of State Seward, his son, Fred Seward, and London Times correspondent, William H. Russell. Soon there entered, as Russell viewed him, a tall, lank, lean man with a shambling loose gait and with long pendulous arms, a man dressed in an ill-fitting, wrinkled black suit and a shirt with a turned down collar that revealed a sinewy, muscular yellow neck, "As he advanced through the room," Russell afterwards wrote, " he evidently controlled a desire to shake hands all around with everybody, and smiled good humouredly till he was suddenly brought up by the staid deportment of Mr. Seward, and by the profound diplomatic bows of the Chevalier Bertinatti." Russell had no understanding of the weight that lay on Lincoln's mind and spirit. 1
End note 1. Hurlburt to Lincoln, March 27, 1861, in the R.T.L. Collection; Official Records, ser. I, vol. I, pp.221-22, 282; Fox, Confidential Correspondence, I, 9-11; Doubleday, Reminiscences, p.134; Russell, Diary (Pratt ed.), pp.19-27, 73; Nicolay and Hay, Lincoln, III, 389-92; Bancroft, Seward, II,107; Nevins, Improvised War, pp.48-49.