Engineer Operations at Franklin's Crossing

1SGDan

Major
Joined
Dec 13, 2009
Location
New Hampshire
Franklin's Crossing

The end of May 1863 found the opposing armies in northern Virginia still separated by the Rappahannock River. North of the river Major-General Joseph Hooker and the Army of the Potomac were collecting themselves after their defeat at Chancellorsville. They spent the last days of spring reorganizing, resupplying, and reinforcing in preparation for future movements. Contrary to his poor reputation Hooker was proving to be an adequate administrator. As the start of June approached morale had been restored and the army was again ready for action. Regular Engineer Timothy Hartshorn recorded on May 24th that "the army is in good spirits though we have been repulsed."[1] Lieutenant Folwell echoed that sentiment stating "I do not think the army in the least demoralized"[2] The feeling amongst most units was that as good weather arrived a new campaign was just around the corner. They were not to be disappointed.

South of the river the Confederates, flush with victory, but logistically desperate, beat Hooker to the offensive punch. The Army of Northern Virginia began moving north. Under these developing conditions the scenario at the river changed. The new situation called for Hooker to react and set the stage for a little regarded action at Franklin's Crossing. Despite its obscurity the action here had consequences far greater than the relatively small number of casualties recorded in its execution.

Despite Lee's desire for secrecy, the movements of his troops immediately sparked a flurry of reports and rumors in the Federal command. By 4 June it was impossible not to comprehend that the Army of Northern Virginia was moving away. But where they were going remained the question. Hooker writing to Halleck around noon on the 4th remarked;

"The movements of the enemy in our front do not indicate what their purpose or object may be…"[3]

By noon the following day Hooker was writing to President Lincoln that it was apparent that Lee meant to "move up the river"[4] to either cross the upper Potomac or "throw his army between mine and Washington."[5] Hooker proposed to "pitch into his rear"[6] by attacking south across the Rappahannock. Lincoln replied about four hours later that Halleck was in charge of overall military operations but offered his opinion on what should be done. He stated firmly that if Lee should move north of the Rappahannock that he was intentionally enticing Hooker to attack across the river. A rear guard force fighting from entrenchments would tie up a considerable portion of his force robbing him of his full maneuver capability. He suggested remaining on the same side of the river if Lee moved north of it. He was more adamant about a move to the south side of the river telling Hooker;

"I would by no means cross to the south of it (Rappahannock)."[7]

The President reminded Hooker that his were just "mere suggestions"[8] and that the ultimate authority concerning movements lay with the military authorities. Only forty minutes later Halleck addressed the question at the request of the President. Unfortunately for Hooker he also couched his guidance in the form of suggestion. Hooker was determined to act and without firm orders to the contrary he decided to proceed with his original proposal. He immediately set a plan in motion to cross the Rappahannock in force and challenge the Confederate position near Fredericksburg.



[1] Hartshorn Papers, 1814 – 1953, Rauner Special Collections Library Repository, Dartmouth Library, Archives and Manuscripts
[2] Folwell
[3] OR, Volume XXVII, Part 1, Hooker to Halleck, Page 29
[4] OR, Volume XXVII, Part 1, Hooker to Lincoln, Page 30
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid.
[7] OR, Volume XXVII, Part 1, Lincoln to Hooker, Page 31
[8] Ibid.
 
Once again a major water obstacle between the Union forces and the objective so the onus to begin the operation quite naturally fell on his engineer force. While the bulk of the army moved away in reaction to Lee's movements the VI Corps and the entire engineer force remained at the river. The Engineer Brigade was ordered to prepare a bridge train capable of spanning 400 feet. The Engineer Battalion was also ordered to be ready to assist the operation.

Across the river General Lee had instructed A.P. Hill, his III Corps commander, to be prepared for the very thing that Hooker was proposing. Having stolen the initiative he told Hill to make "such disposition as will be best calculated to deceive the enemy."[1] His goal was to "keep him in ignorance of any change in the disposition of the army."[2] If Federal forces opted to the attack south of the river then Hill should be prepared to receive and repel him. Certainly the idea of engaging a large enemy force and pinning them south of the river must have delighted Lee. True to his orders Hill established a main defensive line back from the river and deployed an entrenched picket line on the southern bank. It appeared to Hooker as an inviting target.

On May 29th, 1863 Captain William Folwell received orders to prepare for a "secret expedition."[3] According to these instructions he was to prepare a detachment of engineers for movement with only blankets, arms and five days rations. The detachment was to consist of Folwell, 2 lieutenants (Lt. Beers and Lt. Dolan), three sergeants, 3 corporals, and 40 enlisted men. Folwell added a surgeon and assistant surgeon to the mix before starting out for Aquia Creek on May 30th. Arriving at Aquia Creek Folwell found the steamer Star with enough pontoon material to fashion about 100 feet of bridge, but not Lieutenant Colonel Dickinson of Hooker's staff, who he was supposed to meet there. The Star departed Aquia that afternoon and cruised down the river with the men enjoying themselves in the cool river air in the shade of the pilot house. The Star was united with the Long Branch and Tallager at Pincy Point on June 1st and Folwell got his final briefing on the operation from LTC Dickinson before departing for Urbana on the Rappahannock River.



[1] OR, Volume XXVII, Part 3, Lee to Hill, Page 859
[2] Ibid.
[3] Folwelll, Page 383
 
On their arrival at Urbana the small convoy was run up a small tributary to avoid detection. There they "found a small wharf, somewhat damaged."[1] Folwell set his men to work and they "soon put it in repair."[2] After docking the Star the decks were cleared of the bridging material by pushing the boats into the water, forming rafts and then loading the balks, chess, and other materials into them. Lieutenants Beers and Dolan were sent down stream with 25 men to repair another wharf that would act as the staging ground for the bridging operation. Regular Engineer Isaac Foskett recalled that on the night of June 3rd we "were awakened in the night and told to pack our knapsacks and be ready to move at a minutes warning."[3] The following day they "marched down to the river bank. Stacked arms and lay down or sat down"[4] and waited for further orders.

At 1000 hours on June 5th, four companies of engineers moved with the assembled train to within a quarter mile of the river. Arriving at the bridge location the engineers found that they were not alone. A glance across the Rappahannock revealed a small fort that was "strongly garrisoned by the Rebels."[5] Seeing just a small opposing force the Confederate pickets made sport of calling over the river to invite the engineers to come over to enjoy the shade of some trees. The taunting stopped at 1600 when the Second Division of VI Corps, complete with four batteries of artillery marched over the ridge to support the bridging effort. The march must have been a leisurely one for Colonel Lewis Grant, commanding second brigade of the division, stated in his report that the column left camp at shortly after noon and travelled just five miles. Nevertheless, the appearance of the Union combat troops caused the Confederates (believed to be the 48th Mississippi and 2nd Florida) to strengthen their picket line. The Federal batteries were unhitched and deployed. The serious work of crossing the river was set to begin. The lesson learned at Fredericksburg about building bridges under fire was not forgotten. The first order of business was to suppress the enemy picket line. This task was assigned to the Federal guns. The artillery, according to Col. Lewis Grant, "had but little effect."[6] As the cannonade began the pontoon wagons were brought up to the crest of a small hill overlooking the river. There the teams were unhitched and the wagons pulled by hand to the bank. Despite the barrage the Confederate pickets managed a destructive fire into the area. The engineers had to unload the boats under "a galling musketry fire."[7]



[1] Ibid. Page 387
[2] Ibid.
[3] Foskett
[4] Ibid.
[5]
[6] OR, Volume XXVII, Part 1, Report of Lewis Grant, 5th Vermont Infantry, commanding Second Brigade, June 6, 1863, Page 676
[7] Ibid
 
The effort of hauling the wagons to the waterline was made without the benefit of substantial cover and the engineers suffered badly in these initial stages. Men began to drop almost immediately. Some of the wounded and those that remained unhurt started to look for better protection in the only available location; a small depression partially filled with water. The officers had their hands full keeping the men at their task. The flat of the sword was used liberally on those deemed to be shirkers. At the Engineer Brigade site Captain Wesley Brainerd took it upon himself to clear the men from the scant cover. As he approached the depression the first person to jump up was Lieutenant-Colonel Pettes, regimental commander, who made a great show of cleaning the remaining able bodied men from the hole much to the amusement of Captain Brainerd. At the Engineer Battalion site the matter took on a deadlier air. Captain Charles E. Cross, in the midst of forcing three of his regulars back to work, was killed instantly by a bullet to the head. Foskett reported that "there was two killed and five wounded in the regulars."[1] Despite the hearty resistance the engineers continued at their task. Eventually enough boats (10) were put into the water to begin crossing the assault force that was charged with clearing the far shore.

Once the boats were ready at the river the selected regiments, the 5th Vermont and 26th New Jersey, "rushed gallantly down the bank"[2] and "with the assistance of the engineers""[3] shoved off for the far shore. Several of the boats were repeatedly holed by the incoming rifle fire and leaked badly. Those not involved with rowing were put to work bailing with anything they could find to avoid sinking. The initial companies landed on the south bank and took the initiative despite their small numbers. As the boats returned for more troops the first men ashore assaulted the rifle pits. On June 8th Colonel Grant sent a second dispatch revising his description of the "exciting and brilliant affair."[4]



[1] Foskett
[2] OR, Volume XXVII, Part 1, Report of Lewis Grant, 5th Vermont Infantry, commanding Second Brigade, Page 676
[3] Ibid
[4] OR, Volume XXVII, Part 1, Report of Lewis Grant, 5th Vermont Infantry, commanding Second Brigade, June 8, 1863, Page 677
 
Additional units from the Vermont Brigade (2nd, 3rd, and 4th) were ferried across and the Confederate defenders were pushed back to their main line. Confederate losses in the attack were not recorded and the number of prisoners unclear. Estimates ranged from 80 to 280 were captured. The most concise of these reported 6 officers and 84 enlisted taken prisoner in the initial assault. The 5th Vermont suffered 7 wounded for their exploit. The successful clearance of the rifle pits pushed the enemy away from the selected bridge location and allowed the engineers to get to work constructing the span. The effort to move them across the river had cost the small engineer contingent heavily in reported casualties.

Killed in Action​

Engineer Battalion
CPT Charles Cross,
PVT Martin Kehoe, mortally wounded died, June 6, 1863
PVT Thomas Berry, mortally wounded, died September 22, 1864

15th New York
CPL John Trainor, Co. C
PFC John Harmon, Co. G

50th New York
PVT John Sturges, Co. K


Wounded in Action​
Engineer Battalion
Sergeant George H. Lovejoy
Artificer John H. Carr
Artificer Peter D. Lark
Private Charles S. Handy, discharged for disability.
Private Henry Sliter

50th New York Engineers
1LT Calvin Newcombe, Co. C
CPL James Armstrong, Co. I
CPL Michael Connelly, Co. F
Artificer Joseph Bevers, Co. F
Artificer James Boyce, Co. C
Artificer John Henry, Co. E
Artificer Oliver Osburn, Co. F
PVT Abraham Hyde, Co. C
PVT Thomas Walker, Co. F
 
Last edited:
Thomas J. Owen of Company I, 50th New York Engineers described the chaotic action at the Rappahannock;

"At about 8 o'clock we received orders to get ready to move the train to the river. Soon after, we received orders to move, and in about 2 hours from the time we received orders to get ready, we were at the river with our train.

We then waited until about 4 o'clock before the troops came that were going to cross. In meantime, we amused ourselves looking at the Johnnys on the other side. They had a fine rifle pit, and we knew that they would give us trouble. The day was quite warm, and at length we began to grow anxious for the fun to commence.

A little after 4, the artillery began to wheel into position, and we could see the rebs coming from other points to strengthen the point opposite where we were to cross, which was about 2 miles below the city of Fredericksburg. At 4 o'clock, the first gun was fired which was from our artillery aimed at some skirmishers that were coming up from below. Oh, I never shall forget that scene.

I think it was one of the grandest scenes I ever saw. I was where I had a good view of the whole thing. First came the boom of the gun, and the next instance the balls were skipping away over the level plain carrying death and destruction with them.

At 61/2 o'clock we started down to the water with the pontons, the object being to throw infantry across in boats and drive them out of their rifle pits. Although our artillery kept up a continual firing, they did not hinder the enemy from keeping up a brisk fire of musketry at us. As we marched down the bank, the ball fell thick and fast around. Now and then some poor fellow would drop with a cry of pain on his lips.

When we got down the bank we had orders to lay down. The most of the boys did so. Now and then we would get up and unload a boat. At length we had 10 boats unloaded. Captain Folwell then came and asked me to go up the hill after the boatmen who were to ferry the infantry over. I started and just as I got to the top of the hill, I looked around and saw a little curl of white smoke rise from the center of the pit, and the next instant, a minies whizzed close to me. I went on, and before I had taken 5 steps, 3 more struck the ground just ahead of me. I then took a zigzag course so they could not aim at me, and went on. I have reason to think that all four balls were aimed at me, for there was no one else within 10 rods of where I was. Well, I found the boatmen and then I soon went back and helped ferry the first regiment over. As soon as the infantry took the works, the firing ceased and then we went to work, and soon the Rappahannock was bridged and once more General Sedgwick was crossing over. Our whole brigade was there, general and all, but Companies A, F, and I layed the bridge, which constitutes Major Spaulding's detachment. As a general thing the boys did well."[1]




[1] Dear Friends at Home- The letters and diary of Thomas James Owen, Fiftieth New York Volunteer Engineer Regiment, Page 9
 
Brigadier-General Henry Benham, commander of the Engineer Brigade, had dictated construction of the bridge by rafts, instead of the usual successive pontoons. Under this guidance the Regular Engineers constructed the rafts, comprised of three or four boats connected together at a secondary location. These were then floated into position and joined to the previous rafts by the men of the 50th/15th until they reached the other side. The uncommon practice did little to slow the construction and the bridge was quickly completed. The final regiment of the Vermont Brigade (6th) was the first to cross. Despite the success there was no effort to expand the bridgehead. Picks, spades and axes replaced firearms as a semi-circular entrenched line was formed around the bridgehead.

The Federal VI Corps troops were firmly established on the south bank of the Rappahannock by nightfall on the 5th. The assault troops were reinforced by Brigadier-General Albion Howe's 2nd Division 3rd Brigade. On the morning of the 6th the Vermonters pushed out a strong skirmish line to meet a refreshed effort by the Confederate skirmishers. The day long small unit actions did little to alter the situation at the river other than add 17 (4k and 13 w) members of the 6th Vermont to the casualty list. Behind the skirmish line the old enemy works were leveled and reversed positions were started. The engineers also finished a second span across the river.
 
On the 7th the 2nd Division was replaced by Brigadier-General Horatio Wright's 1st Division. A short artillery exchange that prevented the Confederates from placing a battery in harassment range and continued exchange of occasional gunfire among the pickets was the full extent of combat operations. The Engineer Battalion laid out a new line for the defense of the bridgehead "extending from the ruins of the Bernard house to Deep Run"[1] A large fatigue detail of Major-General John Newton's 3rd Division troops was sent over to assist in constructing the new line. The men worked throughout the night and by morning of the 8th the new line of rifle pits was complete. The work continued on the 8th and 9th with the emplacement of batteries and the removal of trees. Soldiers of the 5th Maine were astonished when they reported for fatigue duty and remained completely unmolested although they were within open presence of the Confederate defenders;

"Why they let our men quietly entrench themselves when it lay within their power to put them to a great deal of inconvenience, seemed strange at the time."[2]

But more realistic members of the unit saw the method to the apparent enemy madness.

"It was understood, however, long before our troops moved from those plains, that the enemy were making an aggressive movement on some point, and so probably they designed to hold our corps there in order to prevent its interference with any rebel plans or movements."[3]

At Federal headquarters another issue distracted Hooker. A 5 June report by Brigadier-General John Buford placed the entire Confederate cavalry at Culpeper County. Hooker believed that Stuart and his troopers intended a major raid into Maryland and summoned his own cavalry chief, Major-General Alfred Pleasonton to meet the challenge. Concerned that Pleasonton lacked sufficient strength to confront the massed cavalry of the Confederates some of the VI Corps troops were drawn away to act as foot cavalry. This action would lead to the battle of Brandy Station



[1] Eng BN Page 36
[2] History of the Fifth Regiment Maine Volunteers, George Bicknell, 1871, Page 235
[3] Ibid
 
The surprisingly large cavalry show down at Brandy Station apparently opened Hooker's eyes to the scope of the Confederate movements. Reports of the battle and confirmation of Lee's movements gave him what he needed to suggest the action he had been considering all along. On 10 June in a lengthy message to the President; Hooker proposed the following;

"If to effect this he should bring up a considerable force of infantry (to support Stuart) that will so much weaken him in my front that I have good reason to believe that I can throw a sufficient force over the river to compel the enemy to abandon his present position…he can leave nothing behind to interpose any serious obstacle to my rapid advance on Richmond."[1]

Hooker continued to build his case for aggressive action finally asking the President;

"…will it not promote the true interest of the cause for me to march to Richmond at once?"[2]

Hooker felt extremely confident that if left to his own judgment such a move would give "the rebellion a mortal blow."[3] Lincoln, however, was less than optimistic about the plan. He again reminded Hooker, apparently ignoring the fact that he had already done so, that he should not go south of the Rappahannock. He completely dismissed the proposal as an unnecessary risk telling the general that even if he could invest Richmond he could not "take it in twenty days."[4] Being removed from his line of communications for such a time, the President thought, could be ruinous to his army. It would also allow time for a Confederate army to approach the Federal capital before he could react contrary to the standing order to protect Washington. Lincoln suggested that Lee's army and not the Confederate capital should be the focus of his operations. The following day (11th) Halleck responded to the plan in a tersely worded message that agreed fully with Lincoln's assessment.



[1] OR, Volume XXVII, Part 1, Hooker to Lincoln, Page 34
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[4] OR, Volume XXVII, Part 1, Lincoln to Hooker, Page 35
 
Hooker's grand design was squashed but the position on the south bank of the Rappahannock remained in place. There was little activity at the river other than rotation of units into the defenses, continued improvement of the works, and light skirmishing. The unproductive stalemate continued.

Hooker's plan was dissolved by disagreement from above but that did not create an immediate change to the situation at the river. June 12th and 13th saw a continued shuffling of units but little action. The 10th Massachusetts Infantry moved several times during the final days in expectation of an attack, but nothing came of it. In the afternoon of the 13th indications pointed to Lee's troops moving away up river. Reacting to the obvious Confederate movements Hooker abandoned his plans and the chase to overtake the Army of Northern Virginia began. In the midst of a violent rain the Federal bridgehead was removed having accomplished nothing.
 
Hooker's grand design was squashed but the position on the south bank of the Rappahannock remained in place. There was little activity at the river other than rotation of units into the defenses, continued improvement of the works, and light skirmishing. The unproductive stalemate continued.

Hooker's plan was dissolved by disagreement from above but that did not create an immediate change to the situation at the river. June 12th and 13th saw a continued shuffling of units but little action. The 10th Massachusetts Infantry moved several times during the final days in expectation of an attack, but nothing came of it. In the afternoon of the 13th indications pointed to Lee's troops moving away up river. Reacting to the obvious Confederate movements Hooker abandoned his plans and the chase to overtake the Army of Northern Virginia began. In the midst of a violent rain the Federal bridgehead was removed having accomplished nothing.
This is great material - as usual. Thanks for posting it.
 

Learn About Us
About CivilWarTalk
Contact the Webmaster
Meet the Staff
Link to CivilWarTalk
Join Our Community
Register
Browse Forums
View Today's Discussions
Search the Forum
Get Help
FAQ
Student Guide
Forum Rules & Etiquette
Copyright / DMCA

     Contact Us CivilwarTalk on Facebook CivilWarTalk on YouTube CivilWarTalk on Twitter RSS Feed

Bringing the American Civil War and More to Life.
© 1999 - , CIVILWARTALK, LLC - Site Version 10.0

SlaveryTalk.com - SecessionTalk.com - CivilWarTalk.com - ReconstructionTalk.com
Back
Top