CSS LOUISIANA - AGAIN

What ships would she have had to contend with if a try for Mobile had been made? I suspect that, after everyone got tired of seeing shot bounce off her, attempts would have been made to ram her. That brings the question of which ships were down river and off Mobile that could have tried and how well would she have withstood the collisions? Raming has upset the engineering plant of both the attacker and the target -- perhaps a greater real danger than the crew appreciated.
Porter recognized the danger of Louisiana and pulled his mortar fleet down river to the Head. The third, lighter squadron had a number of gunboats halted by the forts and were also downstream, apparently prepared to ram if necessary.
 
Hello John,

Fine work as always, it is another excellent contribution. As you know the Louisiana has intrigued me as well and I appreciate the thoughts and revisions you have made to the evolving understanding of this vessel. It is frustrating that there is so much documentation, and yet so many contridictions too. With those limitations in mind I wish to offer a few thoughts.

First, I would not get too concerned about the displacement disparities. Weight calculations and displacement determinations were an inaccurate science in that period and some of the brightest designers had issues with that (Ericsson - Passaic class, Porter - Virginia conversion, Stimers - Casco class, etc.). Murray was a talented designer and builder having produced over 120 steamboats on the Western rivers. As noted, when launched it was quickly apparent that his calculations were in error and the Louisiana drew too much. Why did this happen? I think that Murray was accustomed to building shallow draft, lightly built vessels. The Louisiana, although of shallow draft (intended), was a warship. By contract all of her fittings and scantlings were larger, more closely spaced, and heavily fastened. She was a different breed of ship than Murray had built before. Despite this error, Murray was experienced enough to modify the design while fitting out to compensate for this miscalculation. I do believe he built the hull to contract specifications (264'pp x 62' x 7'). A hull to those specifications would have an external deck edge height of about 9'. To make a draft of 11' would require a much deeper hull (deck edge height at least 13') which would have entailed a significant contract modification with added time and expense. It probably would have resulted in the fitting of berth deck in the hold. While possible, I have not seen any evidence that the Louisiana was altered in that manner. So what did he do?

As you've noted he reduced the casemate length which had the secondary effect of reducing her armament. I believe the reduction was done from the bow rather than the stern as any further reduction in the aft portion of the casemate would have compromised the space needed for the guns and the aft wall of the wheel well. By altering the stores kept in the forward area he could maintain her trim. Murray claims to have mounted all the armor as called for in the contract. I believe he reduced both the waterline belt by 3' (intended 5', actual est. 2') and the horizontal deck armor. Initially the deck armor was to be 2" but it was reported as only 1/4". In a previous post I had calculated that he probably mounted about 464.8 tons out of about 500 tons purchased. So he could reasonably make that claim. The reduction in armament, while not desired, would not have a major impact on her fighting ability but the weight reduction would be significant. I think all three factors (casemate reduction, armor reduction, gun reduction) were the primary means of minimizing her final displacement.

He also modified the machinery. I think in his original concept Murray envisioned building an ironclad with tandem centerwheels of typical large steamboat dimensions. Imagine the Louisiana fitted with 36' to 40' wheels. When the design was reviewed and the contract drawn up such ambitions were curbed. It was intened to fit two wheels of 27' diameter by about 18' width. We know that there were concerns about this arrangement and interference of the aft wheel by the fore wheel. Morgan reports that the fore wheel was smaller than the aft one to compensate for this. After much thought I believe it was reduced in width rather than diameter (27' x ~10'-12', rather than 18'). Why? A reduction in diameter but not width would still result in turbulent flow across the entire wheel well. A narrower wheel of the same diameter would still give you similar power but at least the edge water would not be as turbulent. Moreover, in every sketch of the Louisiana, the wheel wells appear to be of similar size. Both Mitchell and Morgan report the wheels in tandem. I think the Waud sketch suggesting staggered wheels was done in a hurry during the battle and does not reflect the actual arrangement.

Her secondary machinery presents another dilemma. We know that McLean & Co. removed, transported and remounted the HP engines and boilers from the Ingomar. This was more complicated and took longer than expected. We also know that Robert Kirk forged new screw shafts for her suxiliary propellers. Morgan states that the machinery (paddle and screw) was tried while in New Orleans and found to be ineffective. Morgan also reports that she received the screw machinery from two small tugs that had been seized. Revieiwing both the antebellum and postbellum New Orleans ship registers I can account for the fates of all screw tugs except for two, the Decatur and Union. Both were owned by Northern parties and both had identical machinery built by the same firm (18' x 18" Reaney, Neafie & Co.). They would have been ideal for seizure and use of the Louisiana. These engines were probably in the 80 to 100hp range. I have not come across any indication that Kirk received a new machinery contract for a pair of larger, 500hp engines. That would have been a major contract of some expense. Kirk did forge new shafts as apparently the aft lines in Louisiana did not give sufficient space to mount the engines as they had been in the tugs. Now of course, differing from Morgan, Youngblood reports that the machinery was not fully complete or trial ready until the morning of April 24th. That probably represents the true completion date. I believe that they were modifing the machinery up until that time to get as much power as possible out of the arrangements. It is known that larger screws were fitted in an attempt to improve their efficiency.

Speaking of other details I have not come across any indication that the Louisiana was intended to be fitted with a ram or act as a ram. It is certainly possible though. There is a sketch by Nestell I believe, that shows a structure on her aft casemate that may represent the aft conning tower. That is the only indication I have seen that it may have been fitted. Regarding her gunports were they truly oval or square as seen in sketches? I think they were both. I think they were built as square. When at the forts MacIntosh ordered them to be modified to an oval form which took an additional five days of work. In all likelihood the team of carpenters were able to design, measure, cut and fit wooden inserts to the gunports to make them oval. In other CSN ironclads (Mississippi, Virginia) a cast iron frame was fitted outboard to receive the port hinges and form the port edges. The facilities and time to do that type of work were not available at the forts, hence only the original square gunports are seen externally. Closer inspection would probably reveal the hastily fitted wooden inserts. While limiting arcs of fire they would at least give some additional protection to the crew. The waterway fitted around the upper deck was triangular in cross section rather than plan form. That would allow easier sweeping of water from the deck rather than having multiple drainage holes. One last comment. I like the all white casemate scheme. Where is the MacIntosh reference for this? Was he referring to the external casemate or internal casemate? Externally, it would certainly help in lowering the temperature aboard. Internally it would help lighten up a dark area. The reason I ask this is that all the paint vouchers thus seen for New Orleans CSN vessels usually name black or lead gray for external paint. State and River Defense vessels are painted black, lead gray, brown and ochre.

Thanks again for all your contributions. I always look forward to reading your posts.

All the best,
Bil
Hi Bil. Just a couple of comments. The tug Union had been torched by her own crew on the west side of the river below Fort Jackson. She had been recovering a portion of the earlier raft built at the forts and was towing it up when a Union gunboat bringing up a French Naval Officer with a flag of truce spooked the captain of the Union who put her aground and fired her. The crew rallied to Fort Jackson by land. I have no idea what happened to the other tug. As for the steering engines for Louisiana. Just how well they would have worked is dependent on several factors. No. 1, did she really have 7 ft diameter props? What pitch of prop? No. 2 A larger than original propeller might have been a mismatch with the engine. Were they geared? No. 3 Your estimate of 80-100 hp for engine output is based on nominal or indicated horsepower? The British (Watt) and antebellum steam engineers struggled for years in an attempt to create a reasonably accurate method of predicting output. By the Civil War the most accurate was "indicated horsepower" used by the British Navy. The formula was ihp equals PLAN/33,000 where:

P= mean effective pressure in lbs. per square inch
L= length of piston stroke in feet
A= area of cylinder in square inches
N= of working strokes per minute
Divided by 33,000 (one horsepower in foot pounds)

In 1971 Guthrie published Early Marine Engineering and suggested a method for estimating the output of early powerplants:
Marine engines until 1820 - nominal horsepower = indicated horsepower
From 1820 until 1840 - nhp x 2 = ihp
From 1840 -1860 - nph x 3.5 or 4 = ihp
It sounds to me that the tug engines you mention might fall into the 1840-1860 category. By the way, I've been told by several sources over the years that the formula above for indicated HP is actually a bit conservative.

If you're feeling masochistic and really want to understand how an indicator and indicator diagrams worked, try Verbal Notes and Sketches for Marine Engineer Officers (1939) My father was a powerplant Chief Engineer and later a Master and hated to have to refer to it.
 
We don't know what had been done to her machinery to prompt her temporary captain to contemplate doing just that, but he must have thought it possible. He knew from experience that she immune to union gunfire. Alessandro Massignani in "Ironclads at War" believes the reason was that there were not enough men aboard to crew all the guns, although they had all been mounted , so could not have fought the ship effectively.
This may be true, although CSN personnel had been stripped from the two gunboats on Lake Pontchartrain and a number of Army gun crews supplied from the Louisiana Heavy Artillery at the Rigolets. There were also crewmen from the Manassas and possibly the McRae before she went up to NO with wounded. The Army contingent may have been diluted because they also supplied gun crews for the Louisiana State gunboats. At least one source stated that in some cases the wrong guns had been mounted on the wrong carriages. For me the issue was the propulsion problem. Also they were going to use the surviving steamers as tugs to move Louisiana across the river to the Fort Jackson side. This may imply that they were very concerned about how effective her steering would be under power. They just ran out of time to test things to a point of confidence.
 
Hello George,

Yet another interesting post. I went back and reviewed my files and you are correct regarding the Union. The two tugs donating their machinery should be the Decatur (1855, Philadelphia) and America (1857, Philadelphia). My hp estimates would be in the ihp category. Surely the engineers of the era would know that there were limitations in increasing the propeller diameter with the assigned engine. I don't think it was excessive.

I first encountered steam indicator diagrams when reviewing steamship descriptions in the 'Journal of the Franklin Institute'. I noticed they looked somewhat familiar to me and I realized that they were similar to cardiac cycle diagrams (pressure vs. volume over time) and to a lesser extent, pulmonary flow diagrams (flow rates L/sec vs. volume over time). Obviously steam indicator diagrams emerged before the later physiology applications but both deal with closed loop systems working in a defined cycle. And of course, by looking at the shape of the resultant diagram one can determine where power is lost (steam) or disease effects (cardiac, pulmonary) occur.

At this point in my life I am content with that basic understanding. I am not enough of a masochist to pursue it further at this time :-)

All the best,
Bil
 
Hello George,

Yet another interesting post. I went back and reviewed my files and you are correct regarding the Union. The two tugs donating their machinery should be the Decatur (1855, Philadelphia) and America (1857, Philadelphia). My hp estimates would be in the ihp category. Surely the engineers of the era would know that there were limitations in increasing the propeller diameter with the assigned engine. I don't think it was excessive.

I first encountered steam indicator diagrams when reviewing steamship descriptions in the 'Journal of the Franklin Institute'. I noticed they looked somewhat familiar to me and I realized that they were similar to cardiac cycle diagrams (pressure vs. volume over time) and to a lesser extent, pulmonary flow diagrams (flow rates L/sec vs. volume over time). Obviously steam indicator diagrams emerged before the later physiology applications but both deal with closed loop systems working in a defined cycle. And of course, by looking at the shape of the resultant diagram one can determine where power is lost (steam) or disease effects (cardiac, pulmonary) occur.

At this point in my life I am content with that basic understanding. I am not enough of a masochist to pursue it further at this time :smile:

All the best,
Bil
Hi Bil. Do you have any idea which company owned the tugs? I hadn't thought about the physiology applications.
 
Hi Bil. Do you have any idea which company owned the tugs? I hadn't thought about the physiology applications.

Hello George,

Per the New Orleans 'Ship Registers and Enrollments' ownership in 1860 of the two tugs was as follows:

Decatur - 50% Northern owned
Anthony Horta of New Orleans 4/8ths, John C. Olmstead 2/8ths of Milwaukee, WI, and Rowland Olmstead 2/8ths of Milwaukee, WI

America - 90% Northern owned
H. M. Green of New Orleans 1/10th, James Flanagan 3/10ths of Philadelphia, Stephen Flanagan 3/10ths of Philadelphia, J. B. Kirby 3/10ths of Philadelphia

All the best,
Bil
 
Hello George,

Per the New Orleans 'Ship Registers and Enrollments' ownership in 1860 of the two tugs was as follows:

Decatur - 50% Northern owned
Anthony Horta of New Orleans 4/8ths, John C. Olmstead 2/8ths of Milwaukee, WI, and Rowland Olmstead 2/8ths of Milwaukee, WI

America - 90% Northern owned
H. M. Green of New Orleans 1/10th, James Flanagan 3/10ths of Philadelphia, Stephen Flanagan 3/10ths of Philadelphia, J. B. Kirby 3/10ths of Philadelphia

All the best,
Bil
Many thanks, Bil. I'll see what I can dig up and get back to you.
 
As George said in another post, here the note taking starts for The Southern iron Navy second edition. The full story of CSS Louisiana has not yet been told, There are many unanswered questions as well, and I already have three projects which are new to me from Dean Stehman via Kazziga !
 

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