CSS LOUISIANA - AGAIN

rebelatsea

Captain
Joined
Mar 30, 2013
Location
Kent ,England.
CSS LOUISIANA ONCE AGAIN

In a previous thread I produced a history of this vessel from conception to destruction as it appeared to me at the time. In subsequent conversations, and in re- reading my manuscript (now version 15!) and appraising the material which was incorporated, it became apparent that I had left major inconsistencies present in the documentation, notably concerning her stated weight and draught, also the final condition of her power plant and propulsion.

Firstly, the question of her weight and the stated draught. Try as I might, using every calculation I could find that my calculator could handle I could not reconcile E.C. Murray's stated launch weight with the draught claimed.

Secondly, there are conflicting statements regarding her reported in ability to move and the intention by her temporary Captain to attempt a run to Mobile.

CSS Louisiana is one of the most difficult ironclads to unravel the history, details and appearance of despite there being an apparent abundance of accounts and drawing of her. The difficulty being that most of those are contradictory and don't always make sense.

I hope that what follows is logical and provides a possible indeed probable answer to both the above questions.

This piece should be regarded as updating and replacing the previous thread.

The ship began started as a proposal and model by E.C. Murray, an accomplished shipbuilder. Secretary Mallory approved and gave the contract to Murray to arrange construction. Murray contracted to have one of John Hughes's yards at Jefferson City New Orleans as his construction site.

Murray's plans and proposal have not survived so what follows is a reconstruction from the available contemporary materiel

Type: Ironclad Frigate. Paddles: 2 x 27ft diameter, 19ft wide, tandem centre line. Crew: 300+

Dimensions: 264ft (OA) x 62ft(EX) x 6ft (D). 1,403 tons speed 16 nots (proposed), 8.5 knots calculated.

Guns: 2 -11" SB, 16 -9"SB, 4-32pdrs SB, also a cast iron ram which it appears was not designed

Armour: Hull and casemate to 2ft below waterline, 3.5" interlocking T rail, fore and aft decks 2" plate. Timber backing for the casemate was 28" angled at 38 degrees.
E C MURRAY'S MODEL 1861.jpg

Note that there is no mention of steering engines in the original proposal, and I have not incorporated them in the reconstruction.
The Contract was let 18th September 1861, to be completed by 25 January 1862

John L Porter assigned Acting Naval Constructor Joseph Pierce to produce the specification and working plans and supervise construction at the same time as he was overseeing the construction of CSS Mississippi at the new yard on the neighbouring plot of land.

In the contract plan the casemate itself has been shortened to reduce weight, and now encloses only 16 guns, protected by hinged "half and half" covers frigate style. The two hatches, often quoted as closed gun ports, are more probably connected with access to the paddlewheel cranks, because of their position. There were two be two anchors and capstans on the foredeck, with an anchor handling davit, one anchor and capstan aft. The steering screws were intended to be 4ft in diameter, but there is no mention of engines to drive them in the contract. The most major change is to the draught. E.C. Murray's calculations showed the launching weight to be 2,751 tons, but we could not reconcile that with the proposed 6ft draught. Calculations of the weight of timber and iron needed, together with Murray's carried weight table, resulted in an actual draught of 11.5ft, at which the weight would be 2,750 tons, as near as makes no difference. The oft quoted 6ft therefore actually being the intended immersion of the paddle floats
E.C.MURRAY'S CONTRACT PLAN.jpg



.

We do not know what Pierce's intended battery was to be, but taking his CSS Mississippi as an example, 4 – heavy rifled guns and 12 smoothbores would see most likely.

Possibly initially, locally produced rifled and banded 42 and 32pdrs may have been considered. The refusal of New Orleans gun founders to band their rifled weapons in accordance with the CSN requirement meant that her battery was made up with whatever weapons were available, which certainly added to the confusion in her inexperienced gun crews drawn from army units with no experience of naval guns.

With construction under way, Joseph Pierce concentrated all his attention on CSS Mississippi in the yard alongside, for which he was also responsible. He has been criticized for this, in my view unfairly. E.C. Murray, and John Hughes' shipbuilders were experienced whereas the Tift brothers were not, and thus would need more time and attention spent on their vessel.

With many delays to both vessels due to labour disputes, army interference with the workforce and difficulties obtaining and transporting materials, Louisiana, laid down on 15/10/1861, was not launched until 6/02/1862.
LOUISIANA AS LAUNCHED.jpg



When launched she was found to draw 2ft more than intended so that she now measured: 270ft OA x 62ft B x 13.5ft D, 3,228 tons.

Instead of the intended purpose-built machinery, the paddle wheel engines were two single-cylinder, inclined direct acting, one powering each wheel, taken from the steamer Ingomar. Steam was supplied by six 32.5 ft x 3.5ft cylindrical boilers. It is said that no provision had apparently been made to power the screws, however the addition of the two engines described below and the change to larger diameter screws before launching may well wholly or partially account for the increase in draught. Two 500hp engines constructed by Kirk & Co of New Orleans powered the steering screws, which had been increased to 7ft diameter. Despite Engineer Youngblood's comments these were not connected fully when the ship was moved down to the forts.

Yet more changes and omissions are apparent in her appearance at launch. The forward 27ft wheel had been changed to one of 20ft diameter and capstans to handle the anchors.

John Roy, who had experimented on his own centrewheel vessel and designed centre wheel gunboats as previously described, was aboard at her launch and had some comments to make, including that the aft wheel well was too low, and will not allow easy passage of water. The ship was reported as being very buoyant and rode the water easily.

Her appointed Captain, Charles McIntosh, is said to have insisted that the gun ports be made oval adding another five-day delay. This is another piece of received wisdom as the sketch by John K. Mitchell of the ship shows the ports to be as originally designed.

She never received her full 5ft deep armour belt, gun port covers nor apparently the forward and after conning towers.

McIntosh evidently was the wrong choice for this command as his brother officers commented that he didn't believe in anything new, let alone ironclads, yet here he was expected to take charge of a brand new untried and untested ironclad, prepare it for action and engage the enemy. In fairness it probably didn't help that J.K. Mitchell had been appointed Flag Officer and chose to take Louisiana as his flagship. When put under steam for the first time she could keep up with the current going down stream but could not steer or breast the current upstream. Chief Engineer Youngblood said that the forward wheel merely pushed water into the blades of the aft wheel, and both caused eddies around the rudders rendering them ineffective, It did not help that the wheel well had not been properly caulked consequently flooding the gun deck and after magazine.

Her engineers made valiant efforts to make the machinery effective once she was moored at the forts, of which more later.

This plan shows her in the condition in which she engaged the Union fleet.

LOUISIANA AT THE FORTS.jpg


When taken down to the forts, her battery, 3 -9"SB ,4 -8" SB 1-7" MLR and 7 -32pdr MLR were on board but not mounted, one 7" MLR had been left behind on the quay. Attempts were made to get these mounted, but some were put on wrong carriages and others not completed when she went into action with only the bow and starboard side weapons available for service.

The artist William Waud saw and sketched her at the forts. It is probable that he actually saw her in the final condition as completed after the forts surrender and before she was scuttled as he depicts her with all ordnance except one gun mounted and interestingly seems to confirm her ports were indeed square. Can we trust this sketch?

I believe we can as he depicts the ship with only two guns aft, and we know that one gun was left behind on the quay when the ship left for the forts. The sketch appears to show two offset but equal wheelhouses, but we believe this was due the viewing angle.

Also of note is that Waud did not depict the 4ft plate bulwark, but instead shows a low stanchion and rope barrier. He also shows what appears to be a casing around the funnel, but no conning towers Cdr McIntosh was allegedly wounded whilst behind the plate barrier, A sketch by J.K. Mitchell shows some form of screen at the fore end of the casemate, (as well as the plate bulwark) and it may be that it was this behind which McIntosh was standing when wounded.

Mitchell's sketch also shows the low bulwark on the aft deck, which Waud omits.

LOUISIANA FINAL APPEARANCE.jpg


The final appearance plan above is therefore something of a compromise between Waud, McIntosh and Mitchell.

Commissioned on 24/4/1862, and employed as a stationary floating battery, her forward and starboard batteries engaged in close action on the night of 25/4/1862 but were unable to depress far enough to inflict below water damage on her opponents due to the point-blank range. Receiving in return heavy fire to which her casemate was impervious.

She was burned and sunk on the 28/4/1862 after the forts had surrendered. This leads to the final mystery.

Her temporary Captain Lt John Wilkinson, seriously considered making a run for Mobile, which begs the question – what had been done to the machinery that hadn't been done before to make Wilkinson think he could do that? The documentation shows that the battery had been mounted and the two screws connected in the four days between the 24th and 28th.

I asked for advice from a steam (railway) engineer with an interest in the American Civil War to get an outside but knowledgeable perspective.

His view, having been shown the history, is that the paddle wheels had probably been disconnected allowing them to freewheel, and the steam supply from the six boilers entirely redirected to the screw engines, which should give her motive power. Logical, and perhaps I should have seen it for myself.

One historian and researcher, Allessandro Massignani, believes the real reason why the attempt was not made was because there weren't enough crew to fully man her guns.

==========================================================================
 
Here she is in colour, Charlie MacIntosh her captain, had the casemate painted white. I Assumed everything else above water was left unpainted. I had fun doing this.
View attachment 175388
Hi Rebel. Does anyone know of any other vessels with tandem centerline wheels? A single wheel in the race with the propeller "steering engines" should have worked much better. You wonder if the race was calked with okum or tarred cotton.
 
Hi Rebel. Does anyone know of any other vessels with tandem centerline wheels? A single wheel in the race with the propeller "steering engines" should have worked much better. You wonder if the race was calked with okum or tarred cotton.
Yes there was a cross channel steamer built later with tandem wheels ,but much further apart, it had a catamaran hull. that didn't work either ! I would love to know exactly what John Roy who had conducted experiments and drew his own designs for centre wheel gunboats, who was aboard at launch said. We know he said the well was too deep, and the water flow was impeded, but I wonder what else he told Hughes & Co.
 
Hi Rebel. Does anyone know of any other vessels with tandem centerline wheels? A single wheel in the race with the propeller "steering engines" should have worked much better. You wonder if the race was calked with okum or tarred cotton.
New Orleans being a seaport with ship building yards, I would think this early it would be oakum. It apparently was the internal wheel well bulkheads that hadn't been properly caulked.
 
Very interesting. So, it seems that the solution to all her problems was to remove the wheels & just link all power to the screws?
It may not have been "THE" solution, but it was "A" solution to my question. The first thing I thought of was disconnecting the forward wheel, shifting it's crank to the rear axle and lengthening the pitman rod. My friend Alex thinks that would be too complicated in the time available - 4 days, simpler by far to disconnect the wheels and shift the steam supply pipes.
 
Hello John,

Fine work as always, it is another excellent contribution. As you know the Louisiana has intrigued me as well and I appreciate the thoughts and revisions you have made to the evolving understanding of this vessel. It is frustrating that there is so much documentation, and yet so many contridictions too. With those limitations in mind I wish to offer a few thoughts.

First, I would not get too concerned about the displacement disparities. Weight calculations and displacement determinations were an inaccurate science in that period and some of the brightest designers had issues with that (Ericsson - Passaic class, Porter - Virginia conversion, Stimers - Casco class, etc.). Murray was a talented designer and builder having produced over 120 steamboats on the Western rivers. As noted, when launched it was quickly apparent that his calculations were in error and the Louisiana drew too much. Why did this happen? I think that Murray was accustomed to building shallow draft, lightly built vessels. The Louisiana, although of shallow draft (intended), was a warship. By contract all of her fittings and scantlings were larger, more closely spaced, and heavily fastened. She was a different breed of ship than Murray had built before. Despite this error, Murray was experienced enough to modify the design while fitting out to compensate for this miscalculation. I do believe he built the hull to contract specifications (264'pp x 62' x 7'). A hull to those specifications would have an external deck edge height of about 9'. To make a draft of 11' would require a much deeper hull (deck edge height at least 13') which would have entailed a significant contract modification with added time and expense. It probably would have resulted in the fitting of berth deck in the hold. While possible, I have not seen any evidence that the Louisiana was altered in that manner. So what did he do?

As you've noted he reduced the casemate length which had the secondary effect of reducing her armament. I believe the reduction was done from the bow rather than the stern as any further reduction in the aft portion of the casemate would have compromised the space needed for the guns and the aft wall of the wheel well. By altering the stores kept in the forward area he could maintain her trim. Murray claims to have mounted all the armor as called for in the contract. I believe he reduced both the waterline belt by 3' (intended 5', actual est. 2') and the horizontal deck armor. Initially the deck armor was to be 2" but it was reported as only 1/4". In a previous post I had calculated that he probably mounted about 464.8 tons out of about 500 tons purchased. So he could reasonably make that claim. The reduction in armament, while not desired, would not have a major impact on her fighting ability but the weight reduction would be significant. I think all three factors (casemate reduction, armor reduction, gun reduction) were the primary means of minimizing her final displacement.

He also modified the machinery. I think in his original concept Murray envisioned building an ironclad with tandem centerwheels of typical large steamboat dimensions. Imagine the Louisiana fitted with 36' to 40' wheels. When the design was reviewed and the contract drawn up such ambitions were curbed. It was intened to fit two wheels of 27' diameter by about 18' width. We know that there were concerns about this arrangement and interference of the aft wheel by the fore wheel. Morgan reports that the fore wheel was smaller than the aft one to compensate for this. After much thought I believe it was reduced in width rather than diameter (27' x ~10'-12', rather than 18'). Why? A reduction in diameter but not width would still result in turbulent flow across the entire wheel well. A narrower wheel of the same diameter would still give you similar power but at least the edge water would not be as turbulent. Moreover, in every sketch of the Louisiana, the wheel wells appear to be of similar size. Both Mitchell and Morgan report the wheels in tandem. I think the Waud sketch suggesting staggered wheels was done in a hurry during the battle and does not reflect the actual arrangement.

Her secondary machinery presents another dilemma. We know that McLean & Co. removed, transported and remounted the HP engines and boilers from the Ingomar. This was more complicated and took longer than expected. We also know that Robert Kirk forged new screw shafts for her suxiliary propellers. Morgan states that the machinery (paddle and screw) was tried while in New Orleans and found to be ineffective. Morgan also reports that she received the screw machinery from two small tugs that had been seized. Revieiwing both the antebellum and postbellum New Orleans ship registers I can account for the fates of all screw tugs except for two, the Decatur and Union. Both were owned by Northern parties and both had identical machinery built by the same firm (18' x 18" Reaney, Neafie & Co.). They would have been ideal for seizure and use of the Louisiana. These engines were probably in the 80 to 100hp range. I have not come across any indication that Kirk received a new machinery contract for a pair of larger, 500hp engines. That would have been a major contract of some expense. Kirk did forge new shafts as apparently the aft lines in Louisiana did not give sufficient space to mount the engines as they had been in the tugs. Now of course, differing from Morgan, Youngblood reports that the machinery was not fully complete or trial ready until the morning of April 24th. That probably represents the true completion date. I believe that they were modifing the machinery up until that time to get as much power as possible out of the arrangements. It is known that larger screws were fitted in an attempt to improve their efficiency.

Speaking of other details I have not come across any indication that the Louisiana was intended to be fitted with a ram or act as a ram. It is certainly possible though. There is a sketch by Nestell I believe, that shows a structure on her aft casemate that may represent the aft conning tower. That is the only indication I have seen that it may have been fitted. Regarding her gunports were they truly oval or square as seen in sketches? I think they were both. I think they were built as square. When at the forts MacIntosh ordered them to be modified to an oval form which took an additional five days of work. In all likelihood the team of carpenters were able to design, measure, cut and fit wooden inserts to the gunports to make them oval. In other CSN ironclads (Mississippi, Virginia) a cast iron frame was fitted outboard to receive the port hinges and form the port edges. The facilities and time to do that type of work were not available at the forts, hence only the original square gunports are seen externally. Closer inspection would probably reveal the hastily fitted wooden inserts. While limiting arcs of fire they would at least give some additional protection to the crew. The waterway fitted around the upper deck was triangular in cross section rather than plan form. That would allow easier sweeping of water from the deck rather than having multiple drainage holes. One last comment. I like the all white casemate scheme. Where is the MacIntosh reference for this? Was he referring to the external casemate or internal casemate? Externally, it would certainly help in lowering the temperature aboard. Internally it would help lighten up a dark area. The reason I ask this is that all the paint vouchers thus seen for New Orleans CSN vessels usually name black or lead gray for external paint. State and River Defense vessels are painted black, lead gray, brown and ochre.

Thanks again for all your contributions. I always look forward to reading your posts.

All the best,
Bil
 
Hello John,

Fine work as always, it is another excellent contribution. As you know the Louisiana has intrigued me as well and I appreciate the thoughts and revisions you have made to the evolving understanding of this vessel. It is frustrating that there is so much documentation, and yet so many contridictions too. With those limitations in mind I wish to offer a few thoughts.

First, I would not get too concerned about the displacement disparities. Weight calculations and displacement determinations were an inaccurate science in that period and some of the brightest designers had issues with that (Ericsson - Passaic class, Porter - Virginia conversion, Stimers - Casco class, etc.). Murray was a talented designer and builder having produced over 120 steamboats on the Western rivers. As noted, when launched it was quickly apparent that his calculations were in error and the Louisiana drew too much. Why did this happen? I think that Murray was accustomed to building shallow draft, lightly built vessels. The Louisiana, although of shallow draft (intended), was a warship. By contract all of her fittings and scantlings were larger, more closely spaced, and heavily fastened. She was a different breed of ship than Murray had built before. Despite this error, Murray was experienced enough to modify the design while fitting out to compensate for this miscalculation. I do believe he built the hull to contract specifications (264'pp x 62' x 7'). A hull to those specifications would have an external deck edge height of about 9'. To make a draft of 11' would require a much deeper hull (deck edge height at least 13') which would have entailed a significant contract modification with added time and expense. It probably would have resulted in the fitting of berth deck in the hold. While possible, I have not seen any evidence that the Louisiana was altered in that manner. So what did he do?

As you've noted he reduced the casemate length which had the secondary effect of reducing her armament. I believe the reduction was done from the bow rather than the stern as any further reduction in the aft portion of the casemate would have compromised the space needed for the guns and the aft wall of the wheel well. By altering the stores kept in the forward area he could maintain her trim. Murray claims to have mounted all the armor as called for in the contract. I believe he reduced both the waterline belt by 3' (intended 5', actual est. 2') and the horizontal deck armor. Initially the deck armor was to be 2" but it was reported as only 1/4". In a previous post I had calculated that he probably mounted about 464.8 tons out of about 500 tons purchased. So he could reasonably make that claim. The reduction in armament, while not desired, would not have a major impact on her fighting ability but the weight reduction would be significant. I think all three factors (casemate reduction, armor reduction, gun reduction) were the primary means of minimizing her final displacement.

He also modified the machinery. I think in his original concept Murray envisioned building an ironclad with tandem centerwheels of typical large steamboat dimensions. Imagine the Louisiana fitted with 36' to 40' wheels. When the design was reviewed and the contract drawn up such ambitions were curbed. It was intened to fit two wheels of 27' diameter by about 18' width. We know that there were concerns about this arrangement and interference of the aft wheel by the fore wheel. Morgan reports that the fore wheel was smaller than the aft one to compensate for this. After much thought I believe it was reduced in width rather than diameter (27' x ~10'-12', rather than 18'). Why? A reduction in diameter but not width would still result in turbulent flow across the entire wheel well. A narrower wheel of the same diameter would still give you similar power but at least the edge water would not be as turbulent. Moreover, in every sketch of the Louisiana, the wheel wells appear to be of similar size. Both Mitchell and Morgan report the wheels in tandem. I think the Waud sketch suggesting staggered wheels was done in a hurry during the battle and does not reflect the actual arrangement.

Her secondary machinery presents another dilemma. We know that McLean & Co. removed, transported and remounted the HP engines and boilers from the Ingomar. This was more complicated and took longer than expected. We also know that Robert Kirk forged new screw shafts for her suxiliary propellers. Morgan states that the machinery (paddle and screw) was tried while in New Orleans and found to be ineffective. Morgan also reports that she received the screw machinery from two small tugs that had been seized. Revieiwing both the antebellum and postbellum New Orleans ship registers I can account for the fates of all screw tugs except for two, the Decatur and Union. Both were owned by Northern parties and both had identical machinery built by the same firm (18' x 18" Reaney, Neafie & Co.). They would have been ideal for seizure and use of the Louisiana. These engines were probably in the 80 to 100hp range. I have not come across any indication that Kirk received a new machinery contract for a pair of larger, 500hp engines. That would have been a major contract of some expense. Kirk did forge new shafts as apparently the aft lines in Louisiana did not give sufficient space to mount the engines as they had been in the tugs. Now of course, differing from Morgan, Youngblood reports that the machinery was not fully complete or trial ready until the morning of April 24th. That probably represents the true completion date. I believe that they were modifing the machinery up until that time to get as much power as possible out of the arrangements. It is known that larger screws were fitted in an attempt to improve their efficiency.

Speaking of other details I have not come across any indication that the Louisiana was intended to be fitted with a ram or act as a ram. It is certainly possible though. There is a sketch by Nestell I believe, that shows a structure on her aft casemate that may represent the aft conning tower. That is the only indication I have seen that it may have been fitted. Regarding her gunports were they truly oval or square as seen in sketches? I think they were both. I think they were built as square. When at the forts MacIntosh ordered them to be modified to an oval form which took an additional five days of work. In all likelihood the team of carpenters were able to design, measure, cut and fit wooden inserts to the gunports to make them oval. In other CSN ironclads (Mississippi, Virginia) a cast iron frame was fitted outboard to receive the port hinges and form the port edges. The facilities and time to do that type of work were not available at the forts, hence only the original square gunports are seen externally. Closer inspection would probably reveal the hastily fitted wooden inserts. While limiting arcs of fire they would at least give some additional protection to the crew. The waterway fitted around the upper deck was triangular in cross section rather than plan form. That would allow easier sweeping of water from the deck rather than having multiple drainage holes. One last comment. I like the all white casemate scheme. Where is the MacIntosh reference for this? Was he referring to the external casemate or internal casemate? Externally, it would certainly help in lowering the temperature aboard. Internally it would help lighten up a dark area. The reason I ask this is that all the paint vouchers thus seen for New Orleans CSN vessels usually name black or lead gray for external paint. State and River Defense vessels are painted black, lead gray, brown and ochre.

Thanks again for all your contributions. I always look forward to reading your posts.

All the best,
Bil
Thank you very much,
As always Bil a magnificent and significant contribution. I will have to print this off and study it at leasure to be sure I understand fully all your points. Having sorted, it seems, CSS Mississippi to everyone's satisfaction I would dearly love to do likewise for "your" Louisiana.
 
@rebelatsea: It may not be possible to answer this, but would it have been possible for the Louisiana to escape to Mobile? Between Farragut's fleet and Confederate engineering, it seems she'd have a difficult time of it.
 
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@rebelatsea: It may not be possible to answer this, but would it have been possible for the Louisiana to escape to Mobile? Between Farragut's fleet and Confederate engineering, it seems she'd have a difficult time of it.
We don't know what had been done to her machinery to prompt her temporary captain to contemplate doing just that, but he must have thought it possible. He knew from experience that she immune to union gunfire. Alessandro Massignani in "Ironclads at War" believes the reason was that there were not enough men aboard to crew all the guns, although they had all been mounted , so could not have fought the ship effectively.
 
We don't know what had been done to her machinery to prompt her temporary captain to contemplate doing just that, but he must have thought it possible. He knew from experience that she immune to union gunfire. Alessandro Massignani in "Ironclads at War" believes the reason was that there were not enough men aboard to crew all the guns, although they had all been mounted , so could not have fought the ship effectively.
What ships would she have had to contend with if a try for Mobile had been made? I suspect that, after everyone got tired of seeing shot bounce off her, attempts would have been made to ram her. That brings the question of which ships were down river and off Mobile that could have tried and how well would she have withstood the collisions? Raming has upset the engineering plant of both the attacker and the target -- perhaps a greater real danger than the crew appreciated.
 
What ships would she have had to contend with if a try for Mobile had been made? I suspect that, after everyone got tired of seeing shot bounce off her, attempts would have been made to ram her. That brings the question of which ships were down river and off Mobile that could have tried and how well would she have withstood the collisions? Raming has upset the engineering plant of both the attacker and the target -- perhaps a greater real danger than the crew appreciated.
Good point. To all intents and purposes she had no protection below the waterline, as she never received the blet armour that I can discover.
 

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