Here's background. I'll find the others in a minute>
http://www.mrlincolnandfriends.org/inside.asp?pageID=8&subjectID=8
Meade was notoriously prickly, but he wasn't unique. President Lincoln struggled to balance their prickliness with public policy. It wasn't just what generals did on the battlefield that concerned and irritated President Lincoln. What generals did in relation to civilian populations and authorities could be equally vexing. The border situation in Missouri was particularly troublesome - as there was continuing tension between conservatives and radicals and between civilian leaders and military commanders. General Samuel R. Curtis has suppressed the Rev. Samuel S. McPheeters from preaching because the minister's Southern sympathies. Mr. Lincoln rebuked General Curtis, writing in early January 1863: "But I must add that the U.S. government must not, as by this order, undertake to run the churches. When an individual, in a church or out of it, becomes dangerous to the public interest, he must be checked; but let the churches, as such take care of themselves. It will not do for the U.S. to appoint Trustees, Supervisors, or other agencies for the churches."16 But problems continued. Later in January 1863, the President wrote Curtis: I am having a good-deal of trouble with Missouri matters, and I now sit down to write you particularly about it. One class of friends in greater severity, and another in greater leniency, in regard to arrests, banishments, and assessments. As usual in such cases, each questions the other motives. On the one hand it is insisted that Gov. [Hamilton R.] Gamble's Unionism, at most, is not better than a secondary spring of action--that hunkerism, and a wish for political influence, stand before Unionism, with him. On the other hand, it is urged that arrests, banishments, and assessment are made more for private malice, revenge, and pecuniary interest, than for the public good. This morning I was told by a gentleman who, I have no doubt believes what he says, that in one case of assessments for
ten thousand dollars, the different persons who paid, compared receipts, and found they had paid thirty thousand dollars. If this be true, the inference is that the collecting agents pocketed the odd twenty thousand. And true or not, in the instance, nothing but the sternest necessity can justify the making and maintaining of a system so liable to such abuses. Doubtless the necessity for the making of the system in Missouri
did exist, and whether it continues for the maintenance of it, is now a practical, and very important question. Some days ago Governor Gamble telegraphed me asking that the assessments, outside the St. Louis county, might be suspended, as they already have been within it; and this morning all the members of congress here from Missouri, but one, lay a paper before me asking the same thing. Now, my belief is that Gov. Gamble is an honest and true man, not less so than yourself; that you and he could confer together on this, and other Missouri questions with great advantage to the public; that each knows something which the other does not, and that, acting together, you could about double your stock of pertinent information. May I do not hope you and he will attempt this? I could at once safely do, (or you could safely do without me) whatever you and he agree upon. There is absolutely no reason why you should not agree."17
Civilians were difficult enough to control. Disciplining the military could be equally troublesome. Mr. Lincoln's policy was wherever possible to expand and protect the number of friends of the Union. This meant trying to patch up differences where possible and removing obstacles where necessary. Eventually, Mr. Lincoln decided that the situation in Missouri required a change in command and appointed General John M. Schofield to replace Curtis. He wrote Schofield: Having relieved Gen. Curtis and assigned you to the command of the Department of the Missouri - I think it may be of some advantage for me to state to you why I did it. I did not relieve Gen. Curtis because of any full conviction that he had done wrong by commission or omission. I did it because of a conviction in my mind that the Union men of Missouri, constituting, when united, a vast majority of the whole people, have entered into a pestilent factional quarrel among themselves, Gen. Curtis, perhaps not of choice, being the head of one faction, and Gov. Gamble that of the other. After months of labor to reconcile the difficulty, it seemed to grow worse and worse until I felt it my duty to break it up some how; and as I could not remove Gov. Gamble, I had to remove Gen. Curtis. Now that you are in the position, I wish you to undo nothing merely because Gen. Curtis or Gov. Gamble did it; but to exercise your own judgment, and do
right for the public interest. Let your military measures be strong enough to repel the invader and keep the peace, and not so strong as to unnecessarily harrass and persecute the people. It is a difficult
role, and so much greater will be the honor if you perform it well. If both factions, or neither, shall abuse you, you will probably be about right. Beware of being assailed by one, and praised by the other.18
Problems in Missouri continued when this letter leaked into the press. Governor Gamble took offense and wrote President Lincoln:
"Your letter to Major General Schofield of the 27th of May was published in the newspapers of this city on the 27th of June last and but for my engagements in the State Convention in aiding in the passage of an ordinance of emancipation, and other pressing official duties I would sooner have attended to that most extraordinary publication.
As a paper written by the President...concerning the Governor of a loyal state is a most remarkable production and its publication is a most wanton and unmerited insult...I have borne in silence the attacks...by newspaper writers, but when the President...in an official communication undertakes to characterise me, the Governor of a loyal state, as the head of a faction in that state, an answer is demanded...
I take leave to say...that the language of your letter...is in my judgment unbecoming your position...But there is your accusation...this further wrong, that the charge is not true...
I have earnestly desired that the military might be restrained from all wanton violence and cruelty...When my views of the policy necessary to the restoration of peace and civil government have been disregarded, I have caused the facts to be made known to you in order that you might apply the remedy...If making to you the proper representation of facts constituted me the head of a faction then I have been such; but if I was performing a simple duty to you, upon whom rests the ultimate responsibility for the government of the military, then my conduct was necessary for the country, and just to you, furnished no ground for your attack upon me...
'Mr. President, I have disapproved of acts of your administration, but I have carefully abstained from denouncing you...and this because there is nothing of a 'faction' spirit in me...
'You can then judge sir how grossly offensive the language your letter is, when you say 'as' (that is, because) 'I could not remove Gov Gamble I had to remove General Curtis' distinctly intimating that you would have removed me if you could..."19
Mr. Lincoln confronted Gamble directly: "My Private Secretary has just brought me a letter saying it is a very 'cross one from you, about mine to Gen. Schofield, recently published in the Democrat. As I am trying to preserve my own temper, by avoiding irritants, so far as practicable, I have declined to read the cross letter. I think fit to say, however, that when I wrote the letter to Gen. Schofield, I was totally unconscious of any malice, or disrespect towards you, or of using any expression which should offend you, if seen by you."20 Keeping friendly relations with generals could not come at the expense of friendly relations with their civilian counterparts. Mr. Lincoln needed friends everywhere and as many as he could get.