Edwin Vose Sumner

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At 65 years old, Major General Edwin Sumner was the oldest corps commander on either side during the Civil War. Born on January 30, 1797, in Boston, Sumner was an Old Army regular who commanded the Second Corps on the Peninsula and at Antietam.

Sumner is best known for three episodes in his career. The first happened at the Battle of Cerro Gordo during the Mexican War. Riding at the head of a charge by the Mountain Rifles, Sumner was struck in the forehead by a spent musket ball. The ball fell to the ground and Sumner gained his nickname "Bull Head," allegedly for the thickness of his skull. Sumner was also known as "Bull of the Woods" for his booming voice as he shouted commands.

Leading his men from the front was a characteristic of Sumner's. While commanding the 1st Cavalry on the frontier before the Civil War, Sumner watched Lt. Lunsford Lomax, who was in charge of a detail that was ordered to stretch a ferry rope across the Platte River. "Go in, men," Lomax ordered. Sumner responded, "Never say go in, Mr. Lomax, but come in" (Until Antietam, pp. 157-158). Nothing better exemplifies Sumner's command philosophy. It was at the same time his greatest strength and perhaps his greatest flaw as a field commander. Later, O. O. Howard would write: "He was remarkable for two military virtues: an exact obedience to orders and a rigid enforcement of discipline. If two methods were presented, one direct and the other indirect, he always chose the direct; if two courses opened, the one doubtful and leading to safety, the other dangerous and heroic, he was sure to choose the heroic at whatever cost" (Autobiography, vol. I, p. 181).

The caricature of Sumner's thick skull has followed him through history, indicating an unimaginative commander who was too regimented in his thinking, too old to change his ways, and was not competent to command a corps. For example, Stephen Sears writes that "no one had risen in rank further beyond his capacity" (To the Gates of Richmond, p. 71) and that "he was afflicted with the narrowest of military minds." "Left to find his natural level," Sears asserts, "Bull Sumner might have achieved brigade command" (Landscape Turned Red, p. 216). McClellan's assessment of Sumner's performance at Williamsburg is often cited by historians as evidence of his incompetence. "Sumner has proved he was even a greater fool than I supposed & had come within an ace of having us defeated," McClellan wrote to his wife (The Civil War Papers of George B. McClellan, p. 257).

Such characterizations do a disservice to Sumner. While he may have had some very evident flaws, he also had virtues that are not often acknowledged. Less well known than the statement quoted above, McClellan also wrote of Sumner: "He was an old and tried officer; perfectly honest; as brave as a man could be; conscientious and laborious. In many respects he was a model soldier. He was a man for whom I had a very high regard, and for the memory I have the greatest respect. He was a very valuable man, his soldierly example was of the highest value in a new army. A nation is fortunate that possesses many such soldiers as was Edwin V. Sumner" (McClellan's Own Story, p. 138).

The second episode for which Sumner is remembered occurred during the Battle of Fair Oaks. As O. O. Howard recounted it,

"Sumner's corps, we know, lay along the Chickahominy, opposite the battlefield. An order from McClellan restraining him from moving without permission was received by Sumner that morning. We heard the first fitful sound from Casey's guns, and before one o'clock we knew that a hard battle was going on. Sumner at once asked, by telegraph, permission to cross the river. He walked up and down like a caged lion. McClellan first telegraphed him to be ready. He was ready. But to save delay he sent Sedgwick's division with three batteries to his upper bridge and our division to the lower. The order to cross came at last at 2.30 P.M. As Sumner with Sedgwick approached, a part of the upper bridge rose with the water, starting to float off with the current. It was difficult to keep the green logs in place by ropes and withes; great cracks appeared. The engineer officer met Sumner and remonstrated: "General Sumner, you cannot cross this bridge! "

"Can't cross this bridge! I can, sir; I will, sir!"

"Don't you see the approaches are breaking up and the logs displaced? It is impossible! "

"Impossible! Sir, I tell you I can cross. I am ordered."

The orders had come and that ended the matter with Sumner (Autobiography, vol. I,
p. 237).

Sumner's determination to obey orders may have saved the Army of the Potomac on May 31, 1862. Of this episode Charles Wainwright would write: "But the old soldier was as honest as the day, and as simple as a child. The fault was not so much his, as of those who put him and kept him in such a place, while the glorious way in which he pushed across the half-gone bridges to the relief of Keyes at Fair Oaks suffices to cover all his faults." (A Diary of Battle, p. 174).

Sumner responded in much the same manner in the third episode for which he is remembered -- the tragedy that befell Sedgwick's division as Sumner personally led it from the front at Antietam.

While acknowledging his flaws, it is also important to recognize Sumner's strengths. My own eyes were opened to this usually ignored side of the general while reading Francis Walker's History of the Second Corps. Of Sumner, Walker wrote, "much may be said on either side of the question whether, with his mental habits and his advanced age, he should have been designated for the command of twenty thousand new troops in the field, against a resolute and tenacious enemy skillfully and tenaciously led; but every voice must award praise, and only praise, to his transcendent soldierly virtues. Jupiter, shining full, clear, and strong in the midnight heavens, might be the disembodied soul of Edwin V. Sumner. In honor, in courage, in disinterestedness, in patriotism, in magnanimity, he shone resplendent. Meanness, falsehood, duplicity were more hateful than death to the simple-hearted soldier who had put himself, sword in hand, at the head of the divisions of Richardson and Sedgwick" (p. 11).

Further, Walker wrote,"If the Second Corps had a touch above the common; if in the terrible ordeals of flame and death, through which, in three years of almost continuous fighting, they were called to pass these two divisions showed a courage and tenacity that made them observed among the bravest; if they learned to drop their thousands upon the field as often as they were summoned to the conflict, but on no account to leave a color in the hands of the enemy, it was very largely through the inspiration derived from the gallant old chieftain who first organized them and led them into battle. It is easy to criticize Sumner's dispositions at Antietam -- the dangerous massing of Sedgwick's brigades, the exposure of the flank of the charging column, the failure of the commander to supervise and direct, from some central point, all the operations of the corps; yet no one who saw him there, hat in hand, his white hair streaming in the wind, riding abreast of the field officers of the foremost line, close up against the rocky ledges bursting with the deadly flame of Jackson's volleys, could ever fail to thereafter to understand the furious thrust with which a column of the Second Corps always struck the enemy, or the splendid intrepidity with which it's brigade and division commanders were wont to ride through the thickest of the fight as calmly as on parade" (pp. 12-13).

After Antietam Sumner would command the Right Grand Division at Fredricksburg before being relieved at his own request. He was on leave at his home in Syracuse and preparing to assume a new command in the far west when he fell sick. Edwin Sumner died on March 21, 1863. His last words were, "God help my country, the United States of America."
 
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Another anecdote concerning General Sumner during his younger days clipped from the 28 March 1863 edition of the Hartford Courant. Doesn't seem like his character changed much over the years. The General Worth mentioned is General William J. Worth noted for his service in the Second Seminole and Mexican Wars and the namesake of Fort Worth, Texas.

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A summary ... of his career...http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/chron/civilwarnotes/sumnere.html

EDWIN V. SUMNER (1797-1863)



Edwin Vose "Bull Head" Sumner (January 30, 1797 - March 21, 1863) was a U.S. Army officer who became a Major General and the oldest field commander of any Army Corps on either side during the American Civil War. His nickname "Bull Head" came from a legend that a musket ball once bounced off his head.

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Sumner was born in Boston, Massachusetts, on January 30, 1797, to father Elisha Sumner and mother Nancy Voss. As a child he attended West school, then Billercia school and later the Milton Academy. Upon completing his education, he entered into a mercantile career in Troy, New York. In 1819 he entered the United States Army as a Second Lieutenant.

He married Hannah Wickersham Foster (1804-1880) on March 31, 1822. They would have six children together: Nancy, Margaret Foster, Sarah Montgomery, Mary Heron, Edwin Vose Jr., and Samuel Storrow Sumner.

Sumner later served in the Black Hawk War and in various Indian campaigns. On March 4, 1833, he was promoted to the rank of Captain and assigned to the First Dragoons Regiment, immediately upon its creation by Congress.

In 1838 he commanded the cavalry instructional establishment in Carlisle, Pennsylvania.

During the Mexican War, he served under Colonel Stephen W. Kearny's Army of the West and on June 30, 1846, was promoted to the rank of major. For his bravery at Molino del Rey he received the brevet rank of Colonel.

On July 13, 1848, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel of the First Dragoon Regiment and became commander of the Ninth Military District in the territory of New Mexico. From May 26 to September 9, 1852, he served as the acting territorial governor.

From 1851 to 1853, Sumner was Military Governor of the Territory of New Mexico.

He sent on special duty to Europe in 1853, with special reference to an improvement in his particular arm of the service.

He was promoted to the rank of colonel on March 3, 1855, and assigned to the command of the First U.S. Cavalry Regiment that was stationed at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas Territory.

In 1855 and 1856, he commanded in Kansas. During his service at Fort Leavenworth, he engaged in the pacification of the Cheyenne Indians in the west and in efforts to keep the peace among the proslavery and free-state partisans operating in the eastern part of the territory. The latter duty brought Colonel Sumner and the regularly army into the difficult task of acting as arbitrator in political affairs. Two instances in particular demonstrated the army's role as mediator in civilian disputes of political origin. The first was the deployment of the regular army to restore peace following the battle of Black Jack in the late spring of 1856. The free-state forces under the command of Captains Samuel T. Shore and John Brown had during the battle captured the proslavery commander (Captain Henry C. Pate) and several of his irregular forces. Colonel Sumner was ordered by Governor Wilson Shannon to gain the release of the captives and restore peace to the area around Baldwin City in present-day Douglas County. After a brief stand off between regular army forces and free-state irregular forces that was accompanied by intense negotiations, Sumner secured the release of the proslavery prisoners and at least momentarily restored order to the embattled region. However, more civil unrest soon followed, and on July 4, 1856, Colonel Sumner was called out by Governor Shannon to disperse the free-state legislature meeting at Topeka. In a show of military force Sumner was able to force the free-state legislature to disband. An uneasy peace reigned in the eastern part of the territory the following year, so the colonel vigorously campaigned against the Cheyennes, bringing his direct involvement in Bleeding Kansas to an end.

In 1857 he comma
nded an expedition against the Cheyenne Indians.

In the year of 1858 Sumner succeeded Brigadier General William S. Harney in command of the Department of the West and was posted to St. Louis, Missouri.

At the outbreak of the Civil War, Sumner was sent to replace Albert Sidney Johnston in command on the Pacific coast. He thus took no part in the first campaign of the Civil War.

In autumn of 1861, he was brought back east to command a division, and soon afterwards, as a Major General U.S.V., a corps in the Army of the Potomac, being organized by George B. McClellan. The II Corps, commanded during the war by Sumner, Darius N. Couch, Winfield Scott Hancock, and Andrew A. Humphreys, had the deserved reputation of being the best in the Eastern Theater.

Sumner, who was by far the oldest of the generals in the Army of the Potomac, led his corps throughout the Peninsula Campaign, was wounded at Glendale during the Seven Days Battles, received the brevet of Major General U.S.A., and was again wounded in the Battle of Antietam.

When Ambrose Burnside succeeded to the command of the Army of the Potomac, he grouped the corps in "grand divisions," and appointed Sumner to command the right grand division. In this capacity the old cavalry soldier took part in the disastrous Battle of Fredericksburg, in which the II Corps suffered most severely.

Soon afterwards, on Hooker's appointment to command the army, Sumner was relieved at his own request. He traveled to his home in Syracuse, New York, where he suffered a fatal heart attack on March 21, 1863. He is buried in Section 8, Lot 1 of Oakwood Cemetery in Syracuse. His son, Samuel S. Sumner was general during the Spanish-American War, Boxer Rebellion and the Philippine-American War
 
For trivia purposes:

One of his daughters married Armistead Lindsay Long and Col. on Lee's staff at Gettysburg. His son in law fought for the enemy...

https://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=pv&GRid=11017&PIpi=90177
I believe I read that two of his daughters were married to Southerners. Not sure if this is correct or not. Long was one, not sure of the other.

Mrs. Long had to get a pass to pass through the lines for her father's funeral. By the time she obtained the pass and reached Syracuse, it was too late.
 
Mrs. Long had to get a pass to pass through the lines for her father's funeral. By the time she obtained the pass and reached Syracuse, it was too late.

Her husband later was made a general and commanded artillery under Ewell and the Overland campaign. He was a writer as well:

Although entirely blind, Long moved to Charlottesville and began writing Memoirs of Robert E. Lee. The lengthy biographical compendium of the service of the Army of West Virginia was published in 1886. Long had written two other manuscripts: A reminiscence of his army life and a biographical contrast between Stonewall Jackson and "Old Hickory" (Andrew Jackson).[10] Long's manuscripts were sold in April 2015 at his Great-grandnephew, Charles Andrews', estate auction.[11] Long's Old Hickory and Stonewall Jackson was subsequently edited by Frederick J. Reber II and published on Amazon.com.[12] Long's manuscript on his own army life has never published.

I wonder why his personal memoir was never published...
 
As noted, one of Sumner's characteristics as a military commander was "an exact obedience to orders." It seems that he was better at following orders than in giving them.

Sumner's impulse was always to go right at the enemy and to march to the sound of the guns -- in general a good quality, but which McClellan obviously felt the need to restrain. Sumner operated at Fair Oaks under instructions from McClellan not to move until he was ordered to do so. McClellan put Sumner under a similar restriction at Antietam on the morning of September 17.

While Sumner's grasp of grand tactics may have been poor, it seems that he was in most cases tactically solid in the midst of battle.
Her husband later was made a general and commanded artillery under Ewell and the Overland campaign. He was a writer as well:

Although entirely blind, Long moved to Charlottesville and began writing Memoirs of Robert E. Lee. The lengthy biographical compendium of the service of the Army of West Virginia was published in 1886. Long had written two other manuscripts: A reminiscence of his army life and a biographical contrast between Stonewall Jackson and "Old Hickory" (Andrew Jackson).[10] Long's manuscripts were sold in April 2015 at his Great-grandnephew, Charles Andrews', estate auction.[11] Long's Old Hickory and Stonewall Jackson was subsequently edited by Frederick J. Reber II and published on Amazon.com.[12] Long's manuscript on his own army life has never published.

I wonder why his personal memoir was never published...
It seems like it would have some interesting information in it.
 
A soldier who served under Sumner's command in the 1st U. S. Cavalry before the war recalled that "The men used to say that he would fight a buzz-saw."

In 1861, Sumner volunteered to escort Abraham Lincoln as the president-elect travelled from Springfield to Washington for his inauguration. As is well known, detective Allan Pinkerton uncovered a plot to assassinate Lincoln before he could reach Washington. Pinkerton wanted Lincoln to travel in disguise to avoid the expected threat in Baltimore. Sumner believed this was cowardly, and characteristically proposed leading a squadron of cavalry to cut their way into the capital.
 
I was just listening to Catton's Glory Road discussing where Sumner was dismissed and his death. He also indicated not a flag of his was taken. And old army guy that just didn't fit in with the way things needed to be done on the battlefield.
 
Sumner has been criticized for his handling of the 2nd Corps at Antietam since the earliest histories of the battle. For example, Francis Palfrey, a veteran of the 20th Massachusetts, wrote in one of the earliest histories of the battle that Sumner marched his men into an ambush. "What General Sumner may have expected or even hoped to accomplish by his rash advance, it is difficult to conjecture," Palfrey wrote. Palfrey believed that Sumner's "old cavalry training may possibly have planted in his mind some notions as to charging and cutting one's way out" (The Antietam and Fredricksburg, p. 88). This is
a misconception that has been carried on throughout even the most recent treatments of the battle. Stephen Sears wrote that "with characteristic obtuseness" Sumner "rushed forward incautiously" into disaster (Landscape Turned Red, pp. 309-310).

The more recent writings of Marion V. Armstrong have attempted to correct the historical narrative. Armstrong persuasively argues that Sumner led Sedgwick's division forward with a full consideration of the information he possessed at the time, and that the disaster that befell Sedgwick's men was not a result of a Confederate ambush but rather the fortuitous arrival of Confederate reinforcements at exactly the right place and at the right time. Had Sedgwick's division entered the West Woods either 15 minutes earlier or arrived on the field 15 minutes later, it is likely that the disaster would have been avoided. In other words, Sumner was not an incompetent fool, but instead the victim of unfortunate timing on a chaotic, very fluid battlefield.

Gorman's lead brigade faced little opposition as they entered and advanced through the West Woods. Reaching the western edge of the woods, Gorman's men became in a deadly fire fight with a makeshift line of artillery and infantry. Sumner was riding with the 1st Minnesota, on Gorman's right flank, at the time.

As they advanced, the bulk of Gorman's brigade obliqued to their right. For whatever reason, the left-most regiment (34th NY) did not receive the order and did not oblique, continuing in a southwesterly direction and opening a 300 yard gap between them and the rest of Gorman's brigade. Two regiments of Dana's following brigade were sent to fill this gap, but before they could complete their move the Confederates attacked. The rest of Gorman's brigade was still under very heavy fire at the western edge of the woods. Coming up from behind, the 59th NY of Dana's brigade opened fire, into the men of the 15th Massachusetts. It was Sumner who got the 59th NY to cease firing and fall back.

It was at this time that Sumner became aware of the disaster taking place as the Confederate attack crumpled his left flank regiments near the Dunker Church. "My God!" he said. "We must get out of this." Riding to Howard's brigade, Sumner shouted, "Back, boys, for God's sake move back; you are in a bad fix." The roar of battle that Bull Sumner's booming voice could hardly be heard and had to resort to hand gestures to get Howard to understand that he was to reorient his brigade to meet the attack. According to Colonel Owens of the 69th Pennsylvania, "General Sumner appeared in person in the midst of a most deadly shower of shot and shell, and an order was received to fall back" (Colonel Joshua Owens Antietam report).

Sumner then rode back to the heaviest part of the firing to extricate his lead regiments. A soldier in the 59th NY wrote that the regiment "would have been made prisoners if gen Sumner himself had not rood in through the terrific fire of the enemy and brought us off" (Unfurl Those Colors, p. 191).
 
A question for your consideration: What would have been the results of the battle had Sumner, instead of being at the head of the column with Sedgwick's Division, been further to the rear and in a position to direct French and Richardson toward the West Woods instead of those commands diverting toward the Sunken Road?
 
Poor Sumner. He gets posed as a man who in temperament and life is supposed to be able to deflect things with his forehead.
In real life he was the van of the a.o.p. He would lead Mac's army on the peninsula and to Antietam. Both times you uses troops of various corps. Skilfully at that.
The union 2nd Corps as well as kearney and Hooker, and many otherd owe much of their training from him. He would lead troops from the 2nd, 3rd, 5th Corps and others.
The men liked him. On the field and in camps he helped mould Mac's army. His influence is tangible.
 
if Sumner had held Sedgwick until his other 2 divisions came up, and he sent all 3 in together, they would have smashed Lee right there.
 
Although he was not a great general, he was solid. I think he was more right than wrong during his time with the Army of the Potomac. More importantly, he was reliable during a period when many of the army's top commanders were not. He played a big role in moulding the army, which McClellan and many others acknowledged. He certainly was not the incompetent fool bordering on senility that he is often portrayed to be.

I think a case can be made that he may have been the Army of the Potomac's best corps commander during the first year of the war (I'm including Pope's army & Burnside's 9th Corps). Admittedly, it's slim pickings. The top contenders would be Fitz John Porter, Franklin, Burnside, & Hooker. I suppose Hooker would be favored over Sumner for the title of "best corps commander," but I have serious doubts that his performance at Antietam was any better than Sumner's.

I have been persuaded by Marion Armstrong's argument that French's division advanced as Sumner intended. What Sumner did not expect was that the Confederates would assemble an overpowering force in the West Woods just as Sedgwick's division advanced into it. I'm not sure Sumner wouldn't have moved to a more central position to direct the corps if Sedgwick's division had not come under such an overwhelming attack so quickly.

Richardson's division was so far behind because of McClellan. Should Sumner have waited for McClellan to release Richardson? Everyone knew Sumner was anxious to engage. McClellan released him but held back Richardson. I blame McClellan more for that than Sumner.
 
A question for your consideration: What would have been the results of the battle had Sumner, instead of being at the head of the column with Sedgwick's Division, been further to the rear and in a position to direct French and Richardson toward the West Woods instead of those commands diverting toward the Sunken Road?
I think Sumner directed French toward the Sunken Road purposely to protect his left flank as Sedgwick's division advanced across the Hagerstown Pike.
 
I agree with what you say but in one respect. At Antietam Sedgwick was separated from French by green troops of the 12th Corps. The Confederates counter attacked at the right time and place. The rookies were routed and Sedgwick too for the most part. French was hit on Max Weber's flank but was able to hold it's ground.
These green rookies should have been replaced by Sedgwick. I wonder if this isn't the misunderstandings spoken off during the battle.
 

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