Carter's brigade at Atlanta

Joined
May 18, 2005
Location
Spring Hill, Tennessee
This is another rough draft of the 16th Tennessee's history. Still working and have to edit.


It was nearly 12:30 P.M. when the corps had aligned and advanced to within a short distance south of the resting Federal troops. If all had gone as planned, there would be no Yankees confronting this attack, but luck would not play in the hands of the Rebels that day. Earlier in the day, General McPherson had noted the heavily occupied Rebel works in the distance to his front, and any belief that Atlanta was being evacuated had been quickly squashed that morning. Sherman was also surprised. Sherman believed that Hood wouldn't risk another punishing fight for Atlanta. As the morning wore on however, McPherson began to express concern for what he believed might be a heavy attack on his left. Owing to this, he had a number of Sherman's orders cancelled in view of the Rebel's possible moves on his left. But when noon came, Sherman ordered McPherson to proceed with the orders received earlier in the morning that included detaching some of his troops to help destroy the Decatur railroad in his rear. When no attack had come by noon, McPherson appears to have eased his concern as well, and a number of his troops were sent to the rear.

This had not stopped McPherson from bolstering the forces to his southern flank however. Two divisions of Yankee troops under Fuller and Sweeny had been moved into position on the left and rear of the southernmost flank of the Union Army of the Tennessee. These two divisions proved to play a pivotal role in the unfolding of events that day. The Yankee divisions—coupled with a poor reconnaissance of the Rebel axis of advance and nearly impassable terrain—complicated the already exhausted Rebel troops of Hardee's corps. Shortly before 1 P.M., artillery in support of Maney's extreme left division began firing at the Federal lines atop Bald Hill. At the same time on the extreme right of the corps, skirmish lines from Bate's division began to break through the thick underbrush and swamps of Terry's Mill Pond. They had been horribly delayed by the natural and man-made obstacles that turned the ground into mushy knee deep quicksand. As the lines fought their way through the muck, all semblance of line formation was lost. When the line broke through the foliage and vines to a shallow valley that ran perpendicular to the Federal troops along their front, Bate's men came under a sporadic picket fire. They quickly attempted to organize for a charge, but hardly before they were aligned, the enemy opened on them from their main line with rifle and artillery fire. Bate's troops immediately charged in a pell-mell manner. When they were less than two-hundred yards from the enemy positions, the fusillade caused his troops break and run. Their fight was already practically over.

General W. H. T. Walker's division advanced to Bate's left. Minutes after Bate's repulse, the head of Walker's column broke through the briar thickets and was about to form when a sharpshooter's ball dropped General Walker dead from his horse. His brigades rushed forward, but still broken by foliage and briars, the line suffered a similar fate to that of Bate's men. Stevens' brigade of this division was immediately blasted by canister fire from the 14th Ohio Battery. The brigade broke only to return minutes later to suffer a worse fate when the flanks of the brigade were counter-charged by Federal troops. Stevens' brigade lost over five-hundred men captured in their brief engagement. Gist's brigade—also of Walker's division—advanced to Stevens' left toward a gap that they spied in the Federal line. This too was thwarted when the quick thinking of a brigade commander realigned his forces to enfilade the right flank of the approaching Rebels of Gist's brigade. This Rebel brigade was struck so suddenly that Gist was wounded in the opening minutes while trying to rally his men against the enemy fire. These Johnnies also quickly broke and rushed to the tree line in their rear. Minutes later, Walker's last brigade under General Mercer advanced to find heavy lines of enemy troops on a hill in their front supported by artillery. Almost without an attempt, the brigade retired to the rear after losing less than twenty men in the entire day's attack.

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Cleburne's success far excelled that of either Walker or Bate. His division, with Granbury and Govan in the front line followed by Lowery and Carter's detached brigade several hundred yards in their rear, broke through the brush. Cleburne unknowingly—but luckily—marched into the one and only gap in the Federal lines on the southern flank. The gap between Dodge's 16th Corps and Blair's 17th Corps was probably less than four hundred yards wide but more than sufficient to create a dangerous hole through which the Rebels were about to take advantage. As Granbury's Texas brigade broke through the rough brush, the 5th Confederate Regiment stumbled into General McPherson himself—alone with a signal officer and an orderly. Hailed to surrender, the general tipped his hat and turned his reins to gallop away. A volley was fired, and with it, the Yankee general was dismounted and fell to the ground. He died within minutes. Granbury's men pressed on into the gap.

On the left-front of Cleburne's position, the Federals occupied a salient point that they had fortified. This position was occupied by Federal Colonel William Hall's veteran brigade of Iowans from Giles Smith's division of the 17th Corps. That morning, at the angle in the Federal works that veered to the east, they had cleared the ground of trees and shrubbery for more than fifty yards in front of their fieldworks and used the debris to construct an abatis of felled trees that created—what looked to be—a nearly impenetrable obstacle. This Yankee brigade was additionally supported by eight cannon. When they saw the advance of Govan's Arkansas brigade, they let them struggle into the obstruction of trees and brush and then unleashed a punishing fire that staggered the Rebel troops. The rifle and artillery fire dropped dozens of men in the opening moments of the fight near the angle.

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It looked as if the assault would fail, when suddenly the Texans of Granbury's brigade to Govan's right—unobstructed and unopposed—rushed into the flank and rear of the Iowa brigade causing a complete stampede of the Yankee troops. Although the Federal works had been refused in the hours prior to the attack, Granbury's boys had sought the gap between Dodge's and Blair's Union corps and rushed into it turning to their left as they did so. This entrapped many of the Yankees, and within minutes, a large number of enemy troops, wagons and cannon were captured. Colonel Francis M. Walker, commanding Maney's brigade, had apparently veered to the left of the swamp after failing to locate General Bate. He had then followed in rear and to the left of Walker's division. Walker's brigade followed in rear of Granbury's attack and helped in the initial breakthrough behind the enemy lines. Granbury, Govan and F. M. Walker's brigades then attempted to exploit their success, but as they rushed in rear of the enemy positions, the Union troops hopped over their works and fought from the exterior side of their earthworks. With these three brigades reaching far in rear of the enemy line, the attack suddenly lost momentum due to losses and exhaustion. In this charge, Colonel F. M. Walker—commanding Maney's brigade—was killed when a sudden counter-attack was made by the blue-coats. The Federal brigades that were initially routed were rallied and poured a devastating fire of rifle and musketry into the victorious Confederates. Losing cohesion as they had rushed so far in rear of the enemy lines, and exhausted from the heat and previous night's march, the Rebel attack finally sputtered to a halt. Line officers tried to consolidate the units, but their enthusiasm had badly scattered any semblance of organization. Cleburne's and F. M. Walker's remnants were slowly forced back by the hottest fire a few hundred yards. Although the Rebel brigades had initially pressed the enemy more than a quarter of a mile, they were now forced back nearly that distance to regroup.[1]


[1] Castel, Decision in the West, p. 391-402; Worhsam, J. W., The Old Nineteenth Tennessee Regiment, C.S.A.; Reprint by The Guild Bindery Press, Oxford, MS, 1992, p. 129.
 

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"As usual," one Rebel officer would much later relate, the support was too far in rear to be of any help to the three brigades that had first initiated the success. General Otho Strahl's Rebel brigade was apparently the next to attack, and it struck the lines from a southwesterly direction. The intent had been to strike the enemy in flank, but due to the Rebel axis of advance, his brigade crossed Flat Shoals Road and appeared in the open on the hillsides south-west of the salient angle of the enemy works. His brigade, apparently with Vaughan's old brigade commanded by Colonel Mageveny far to the rear in his support, advanced with fewer obstructions of woods and briar thickets. While he should have been striking the line in the moments after Govan's attack, his troops had been forced out of the thickets east of Flat Shoal Road and along the eastern fringes of that avenue of advance. This put his brigade striking west of the enemy line that confronted Atlanta. From that location, the Federals of Colonel Hall's Iowans had already positioned themselves on the Atlanta side of their works. Seeing Strahl's force advance across the undulating terrain to their south, they formed a line perpendicular to their works, while still others hopped to the interior side to create a cross-fire on the advancing Rebs. Advancing only minutes after Granbury, Govan and Walker's brigades had withdrawn, they were met by the full force of Hall's troops that had partially resumed their position behind the works. Now, Hall's Federals poured a heavy fire into the advancing gray-backs. Strahl's boys found themselves overwhelmed by the storm of canister and musketry. The brigade struggled through the abatis toward the works but quickly became bogged down in the tangle of brush and sharpened limbs. Soon, they broke to the rear seeking shelter from the concentrated fire. Their attack had been alone and without support.[1]

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Brigadier General John C. Carter had rejoined his command the day before following a brief absence. Just before the advance began—only an hour or so earlier—he rode his horse back and forth in front of his brigade giving a stirring impromptu speech. He told the boys that, "…we had retreated far enough, that we would find the Yanks in their breastworks, but that we would whip them & go back to old Tennessee." The boys in the ranks needed this motivation after enduring the long, hard march of the night before. Sergeant C. H. Clark recalled that "many of the men cheered and appeared eager for the fight." Now, his brigade—that advanced in conjunction with Mark P. Lowery's brigade in support of Govan—became somewhat tangled up with Lowery's brigade through the rough briars, rugged terrain and thick woods and brush. Carter then apparently shifted his lines to the west in an attempt to untangle his and Lowery's lines. This afforded the Tennesseans a slightly easier approach, and now, the brigade found itself advancing nearly astride of Flat Shoals Road. If the organization of the brigade was conducted in the same manner as the other battles in which it fought, the right of the line was occupied by the Sixteenth followed by the 8th Tennessee to their left, then the 51st Tennessee, 28th Tennessee and the left flank occupied by the 38th Tennessee. Not quite abreast of Govan but rapidly gaining on him, Brigadier General Carter advanced the brigade up the road and on toward the enemy positions in his front. From their perspective, the field was probably a lot more visible than those who were still in the thickets east of the road. In a short distance they found some recently constructed temporary works. They quickly passed over them and among some of the dead and wounded Arkansans of Govan's brigade. Soon they arrived at the abatis that had obstructed the last Rebel attacks. Fifty yards away, the lines that were recently evacuated by the enemy were quickly being re-filled with the battle-hardened Yanks.[2]

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About the same time that Carter's brigade reached the abatis, Lowery's line broke through the brush to their right, and Magevney appeared to the brigade's left-rear—west of Flat Shoals Road. The three Rebel brigades now faced the rallied brigade of Federal infantry behind their reoccupied works. The advance through the obstructions was more easily accomplished since some holes had already been created by the preceding Rebel attacks, but still, a sporadic fire was concentrated on these gaps from the protection of the Federal works in their front. The boys charged through the "blackjack" and "felled timber" under a very hot fire and gained the works through a thick cloud of sulfuric smoke. The approach—to and over the works—was easier this time but not without loss. Spencer Talley, of the 28th Tennessee, raised the "rebel yell" with his comrades and "rushed like a storm toward them." He had just managed to fight his way about half-way through the abatis when he was struck down by the Yankee fire. The minnié ball plowed into his side above the left hip tearing a gaping hole through his body and out the back leaving him practically paralyzed on his left side. Finding that he was unable to walk, a comrade assisted him out of the entanglement where litter bearers placed him on a stretcher and rushed him to the rear. Others of the brigade were also hit as they fought through the obstructions in their front, but their most severe losses were still to come. While Carter's brigade attacked directly at the refused flank of the enemy, Lowery angled toward the same approach that Granbury's brigade had made. To Carter's left, Magevney advanced to the point where the enemy line began its refusal toward the east. With the weight of three brigades assailing the line, the Iowans fired their pieces and once again fled to the rear in the face of the advancing Rebs.[3]

With Lowery's brigade swinging in on the right of the brigade and Magevney's enveloping the point of the angle, Carter's boys pressed through the abatis and on to the works which were practically abandoned by the time they were reached. The swell of Rebel officers and men mounting the works caused the blue-coats to high-tail it to the rear. To the left of Carter's brigade, the 12th Tennessee had reached the point of the angle where its color-bearer planted the colors and called for the boys to "follow the flag of your Country!" The 8th and 16th Tennessee apparently paralleled the Flat Shoals Road. They poured over the works in their front and stopped briefly to realign. To their left, the regiments of Magevney hopped the works and began to advance along both sides to the north. The 11th and 29th Tennessee advanced up the exterior of the works with the 12th and 47th Tennessee just inside the line of works. On the immediate left of Carter's brigade, the 13th and 154th Tennessee regiments brought up the right flank of Magevney—on the left of the 38th Tennessee. After a brief halt to align their ranks, the advance continued. To their right as Lowery's brigade swung alongside the Sixteenth a few dozen yards away, Major Ben Randals put the regiment in motion again. Because the Rebel advance took them along both sides of the enemy's fortifications, the Yankees would occupy the side of the works that proved to offer the most protection until the Rebel lines were in their very faces again and again causing them to move to the other side as the Rebels advanced. Magevney's brigade sorely pressed the Yankee lines. Captain A. T. Fielder of the 12th Tennessee advanced with Magevney's brigade taking in the whole scene in his front.

The enemy commenced retreating up their works as soon as we charged them and we having an enfilading fire upon them and they being in great confusion & huddling together we mowed them down with awful havoc They would jump first on one side of the works and then on the other but we being on both sides and pouring upon them such a galling fire they continued steadily to give way firing back at us as they went – squads of them would occasionally throw down their arms throw up their hands and run to us and surrender.[4]

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[1] George W. Williams, My Dear Friend Irving, Letter, December 14, 1864 from the Museum of the Confederacy in Richmond, VA. Researched and transcribed by Scott McKay.

[2] Clark, #24.

[3] Talley, Pt. 5.

[4] Fielder, A. T.; Captain A. T. Fielder's Civil War Diary Company B 12th Tennessee Infantry, C.S.A. July, 1861 – June, 1865, Edited by M. Todd Cathey, Createspace Publishing Platform, 2012; p. 353.
 
Steadily pushing the Yankees back, the Rebels halted only long enough to reform, hit a canteen, and push forward with another rush. After easily forcing the enemy from their first line and pursuing them over three-hundred yards up the entrenchments, the Iowans were able to form a second, reinforced line with troops from their supporting brigades. The Rebel pursuit required yet another moment to disengage and reorganize. Mageveny, Carter and Lowery's brigades halted to reform and align for another push on the Yankee line. After a brief pause to consolidate, the brigades stepped off again. The battle had now raged for no less than two hours. Here, the fight grew even more desperate, and although the Rebel lines succeeded in pushing on and taking the enemy position, more and more boys fell in the fray. It was in this attack that Adjutant and 2nd Lieutenant Perry F. Morgan of the 8th Tennessee fell mortally wounded. He was ordered by Colonel Anderson to lead "the center" of the regiment straight up Flat Shoals Road. As the fire had reached a crescendo from the entrenched Yankee troops once again, some of the boys of the Eighth were at first reluctant to go. Lieutenant Morgan—followed closely by the Eighth's color-bearer, Ensign John B. Shook—sprang to his feet and sprinted up the road in the face of the fire; this was a sight that instantly inspired the men. The line uncovered from the trees and brush and rushed up the road again sending the enemy troops of Giles Smith's Federal division rushing pell-mell to the north surrendering their hard-fought position. When nearly upon the Yankee works, both Morgan and his color-bearer fell "nearly at the same instant." "Recovering himself, though his body was penetrated by a minnié ball near the heart he stepped to a pine sapling near by and supporting himself against it cheered his comrades on to victory." His inspiration had led his regiment and enabled the brigade gain another important strong-hold that threatened to stymie the Rebel advance.[1]

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After gaining the second line that the Yankees held, the boys again halted to catch their breath and reform. The scattered Yankee troops ran back to yet another position several hundred yards in their rear and again hopped behind fortifications along the—soon to be infamous—Bald Hill. The woods still helped to cover and conceal the Confederates, but between this second position and the latest line formed by the blue-coats, there was an open field and a gently rising slope for a distance of nearly three-hundred yards. Fatigue, casualties and heat had clearly taken a severe toll on the Rebels by this time. Most of the units were now decreased in numbers by more than fifty percent. After fifteen or twenty minutes around 5 P.M., the Rebel lines once again pressed forward to the attack. This time they met with even more stubborn resistance. As the lines cleared the tree line and advanced on the enemy positions, they were met with a severe cross-fire from infantry and artillery that was advantageously placed. Lead and iron sang past their heads and plowed into the hard-packed soil throwing up geysers of dust, dirt and rocks.

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Other than superficial wounds, Sergeant Carroll Clark had managed to avoid any messy injuries through every battle since his wounding at Perryville nearly two years earlier. It was clear that this luck could not hold out. After he and the regiment had attacked and forced the enemy from their two previous positions, his luck finally did run out. In the first assault on the last line at Bald Hill, Clark was struck in the arm by a minnié ball creating a severe wound within "a few yards" of the enemy line. Gripping his arm and realizing the severity of the wound, Clark quickly turned to the rear. While passing over the battlefield still under a heavy fire, he saw Jim Biles—twice seriously wounded—who lay amongst the "dead & dying." Biles called out to him for water. Clark pulled the stopper from his canteen and relieved Biles' thirst. Clark thought Jim "would be dead in a short time." Unable to move Jim on his own, he continued down the hill to a branch of water southeast of Bald Hill where he attempted to rinse his wound to help ease the pain. He had placed his canteen on the ground in preparation to fill it. Clark found—to his disgust—that a skulker had stolen his canteen while he rinsed his wound. Frustrated, he gained his feet—now feeling the serious loss of blood—and continued on in search of the field hospital.[2]

Many others in the command fell wounded in the effort to take the three lines that day. Alvin Simpson of Company I—who had so narrowly escaped death at Perryville—was killed on the field. Sergeant Major Tom Potter was slightly wounded while urging the men forward in the fight. J. P. Smartt—though wounded twice—refused to leave the field and fought on with his comrades. Andrew Jackson Agent—known as Jack to the boys—had joined the regiment in November, 1862 just before Murfreesboro. Jack was of small stature and appeared younger than he actually was at nineteen years old. Jack was also struck down and killed in the attack on the enemy positions. Although every man's loss was felt by the regiment, Private Wright S. Hackett's wounding was one that the whole regiment felt. Hackett had briefly served as a lieutenant early in the war, but following the reorganization at Corinth in 1862, he chose to serve as a private in the ranks even though he had been re-elected to his lieutenancy. He was temporarily placed in command when all the other regimental officers were struck down at Murfreesboro. In that fight, Hackett helped to lead the left wing of the regiment to the assistance of the right wing as they confronted over-whelming Federal forces. Colonel Savage had twice encouraged Hackett to serve as adjutant for the regiment. Wright felt that his place was in the ranks. Sometime during the fight, Private Hackett performed a reconnaissance to the regiment's front to ascertain the enemy situation. He was dangerously wounded—"shot through and through." He staggered back to the regiment "expressing strong hopes of recovery" and was carried from the field.

This combined Rebel assault on Bald Hill was repeated over and over for the next two-plus hours. General Frank Cheatham, who had been commanding Hood's corps during the day's fighting, pressed against the enemy positions from the Atlanta side of the earthworks and gained a great advantage over the Federals along the Western & Atlantic Railroad north of Bald Hill. This success was short-lived however when the routed Yankee troops were reinforced and counter-attacked sending the victorious Rebels rushing back to their starting point. South of Bald Hill—in many places—the Johnnies seized the exterior of the third enemy line, but they were unable to force a breech through this final line. This was the Confederate position as the sun set at 7:45 P.M. While light faded to darkness over the next thirty minutes, many of the antagonists found themselves only separated by the earthen parapet of the third and final line along Bald Hill. In other places, the interior of the enemy line had been abandoned, but any attempt to cross over the embankment was met by a fierce cross-fire from both left and right along other portions of the interior of the line that were still occupied by the Yankees. Bob Carden huddled behind the third and final earthwork that the regiment had gained, unable to go forward or retreat with the heavy fire concentrated on them. While in this position, he noticed a wounded Yankee officer just ten steps behind them in a "very exposed position." "He called to us and asked us to please come and get him down in the ditch where we were…" Carden started after him, but he was immediately hailed back by one of his officers. The officer would be left to his fate.[3]

Finally, darkness put an end to the fight. While Hardee's corps had experienced some success pressing the enemy a half-mile with the capture of a large number of Federal troops, at least two batteries and a number of enemy flags, the assault had finally ground to a halt along the southern approaches to Bald Hill. Unit cohesion had suffered tremendously. In many places several different commands were bunched together in the outer ditches and along the tree-line confronting the Yankee positions. Stragglers were everywhere. Accouterments, broken guns, mangled bodies and battlefield debris littered the landscape from the southern fringe of Bald Hill for a distance of over a half mile to the south and southeast. The wounded were slowly but deliberately being gathered up by the infirmary corps. Many of the wounded were able to wander back to the rear on their own power—some under constant fire. Others were stricken such that they could not do more than crawl until they found themselves over-whelmed by sheer exhaustion following the punishingly hot, dry conditions.

Nearly two hours after the pink hue of day faded away on the western horizon, a waning gibbous moon—with over 80% of its disk illuminated—broke the eastern horizon shortly after 10 P.M. casting ominous shadows that were somewhat reminiscent of the Perryville battlefield experienced almost two years earlier. Much like the tactical successes of that day, in light of the superiority of Federal forces, all the advantages gained on this hot, balmy day had reaped no real reward. As the firing had slackened off after darkness, the troops received no orders to continue the attack or withdraw. Finally, the boys were ordered to withdraw to the tree lines in their rear. Bob Carden then decided to use cover of darkness to "see what I could find…" Climbing over the breastwork he found a "dead Rebel" a short distance in their front. He quickly grabbed a good hat and then a few shirts out of the Yankee knapsacks strewn about the ground and headed back to his lines. While in front, he came upon a wounded "Dutchman" who was speaking "a whole lot of Dutch talk." Carden offered him a drink of water to which the blue-coat would only shake his head. Carden stated that, "He might have been cussing me for all I knew."[4]

The brigades of Maney's (Cheatham's) division suffered far more casualties on this occasion than the in fight at Peachtree Creek two days previous. Although the exact numbers cannot be ascertained, some numbers are available. For instance, the Sixteenth went into this fight with no more than one-hundred and fourteen men following the losses of July 20th. With the reportedly un-heard-of straggling that took place the evening before, it would be safe to conclude that the regiment went into the fight with just over one-hundred men at best. Although no official casualty report was filed for the regiment, careful research revealed that the Sixteenth suffered no fewer than thirty casualties during the fight of the 22nd of July—at least two of them were company officers. Thirteen of the thirty casualties that are identified were killed or mortally wounded. It's likely that this fight resulted in a much higher mortality rate than many previous fights due to the close proximity of the forces opposing one another. To apply the standard dead-to-wounded ratio of one-to-five to determine a probable number of over-all casualties, one would have to assume the actual number of casualties in the regiment to approach one-hundred, but this is highly unlikely. Regardless, the numbers simply explain that the Sixteenth suffered no less than a thirty percent casualty rate. In light of the lack of records, a safe conclusion could be made that the regiment's killed and wounded probably approached no less than forty-five or fifty percent or a loss of no less than forty-five or fifty men. This number is consistent with the typical determination and aggression they so commonly displayed on the battlefield. Call it courage or just plain bad luck; the Sixteenth always seemed to suffer a high number of casualties. Although the mortality rate for the regiment may have been especially high in this fight, there was a much more deadly battle only a few months away. The Eighth Tennessee sustained a large number of casualties as well. Company G reported four—three killed and one severely wounded. This number didn't even include slightly wounded. The Eighth likely sustained a percentage as high as the Sixteenth.

The rest of Carter's brigade suffered like casualties. From newspapers following the battle of the 22nd, it is clear that a large number of casualties were reported from this brigade. Eight from 28th Tennessee regiment are listed in the newspapers; three from the 8th Tennessee; nine from the 16th Tennessee; eight from the 51st & 52nd Tennessee and eight from the 38th Tennessee. Carter's brigade had no less than thirty-six casualties listed in the Chattanooga Daily Rebel. If the equation used to determine the Sixteenth's casualties in this fight is applied, the other regiments of the brigade suffered similarly. Thus the Sixteenth—with thirty known casualties—probably lost nearly fifty men. Similarly, the 8th likely suffered a loss of nearly twenty men; the 28th about forty-five; the 51st & 52nd about forty-five; the 38th about forty-five. This would determine a tentative casualty list amounting to around two-hundred men. Van Buren Oldham of the 9th Tennessee in F. M. Walker's (Maney's) brigade reported that his regiment suffered sixty casualties in the fight that day; yet, only two casualties are reported in the dates from the Chattanooga Daily Rebel. Maney's brigade—lead by F. M. Walker—reportedly took one-hundred and forty casualties on the 22nd. These discrepancies clearly show how incomplete Rebel casualty figures are and the problems incurred when trying to determine them.[5]

While the Sixteenth lost five officers in the fight at Peachtree Creek and at least another two in the fight at Bald Hill, Major Ben Randals—commanding the regiment—came out of both fights unscathed. The regiment's officer corps had been severely depleted, and at this point, many senior corporals and sergeants were depended on to take charge of their companies—at least temporarily. The 28th Tennessee may have suffered the worst losses in its officer corps. In fact—in addition to Lieutenant Talley being wounded, at least three other senior officers of the 28th Tennessee were killed or mortally wounded in the fight. Colonel D. C. Crook—commanding the 28th—was killed on the field when he was struck in the chest by a ball that passed through his body and exited near the backbone. The adjutant of the regiment—W. B. Whitfield—was mortally wounded when his leg was taken away by a cannon shot. Captain W. C. Bryant of Company C was also mortally wounded—dying on board a train in route to a hospital in Griffin.

Sergeant Clark managed to find the field hospital—the same one that Spencer Talley had been taken to. It was in a "shady grove" near the Mill. Clark watched in horror as the four doctors were "amputating legs & feet, arms, hands & fingers." Talley noted that the pile of arms and legs were "thrown in a heap" and doubted that a two horse team could have hauled them away in a wagon. Dr. Leek examined Clark's arm. The doctor gave him a pull from a flask of whiskey and dressed his wound. Clark was finally laid down "tired & sleepy" from loss of blood. Although he tried to sleep, the "cries & moans of the wounded" prevented much rest. In the darkness at the front, videttes and pickets were posted, and the remaining troops were allowed to sleep deep in the tree line a few hundred yards from the Yankee earthworks. One at a time the boys dozed off, worn and exhausted from the day's action. Tomorrow they would count their losses, but for now, they would recount the day's events in their nightmares.

[1] Morgan, July 22. This last entry in Morgan's diary, after Morgan's death, is believed to have been made by his dear friend James F. McCue. At the field hospital after his wounding, Morgan gave Lieutenant McCue his watch that had been shattered by the bullet that mortally wounded him. "Give this to my brothers to show them how I died."

[2] Clark, #24.

[3] Carden, May 31.

[4] Carden, May 31.

[5] Chattanooga Daily Rebel, July 25 & 27, 1864: Oldham, July 24: Worhsam, The Old Nineteenth Tennessee Regiment, C.S.A.; p. 129.
 
Thanks for posting, Gunny! Book marked this yesterday and just read through it now. So, as with other battles, did you discover anything in particular that has generally been misinterpreted? I'll have to look back in Ecelbarger's The Day Dixie Died, but I don't recall reading about that counter-attack by Hall's Iowans or Mageveny's Brigade taking part in the attacks on Bald Hill in his history of the battle. It would be interesting to hear your take.
 
Thanks!

I'll respond later when notes are in front of me, but yes I did find a few things.

Generally, it has been interpreted that Carter's brigade saw very limited action, but using Castel's book as a foundation, I came to realize that specifically Mageveny and Carter's brigades were crucial in maintaining pressure with Lowery while Govan and Granbury reformed. Also that the main attack by Carter paralleled Flat Shoals road.

I'll get more later.
 
After checking back in The Day Dixie Died: The Battle of Atlanta by Gary Ecelbarger, it looks like his interpretation is a bit different. According to Ecelbarger, only Mageveny's Brigade made the second attack against the southwestern line of works over which Govan's men had charged. He places Carter and Lowery way over to the east with no mention of them taking part in that second attack. Then he has Carter, Lowery, and Granbury attacking Bald Hill (without Mageveny) from 2:00 - 3:00 pm. This is what leaves me confused.
 
After checking back in The Day Dixie Died: The Battle of Atlanta by Gary Ecelbarger, it looks like his interpretation is a bit different. According to Ecelbarger, only Mageveny's Brigade made the second attack against the southwestern line of works over which Govan's men had charged. He places Carter and Lowery way over to the east with no mention of them taking part in that second attack. Then he has Carter, Lowery, and Granbury attacking Bald Hill (without Mageveny) from 2:00 - 3:00 pm. This is what leaves me confused.
Worsham's "Old Nineteenth Tennessee Regiment" goes into the events briefly. He describes the attack by F. M. Walker's brigade that "was a desperate one, the enemy were driven back, but soon made a charge on us, in which they recaptured the guns we had taken from them." That initial breakthrough appears to be about all the fighting that Walker's brigade did that day, but it was bad enough. He stated that the brigade (Maney's) commanded by Walker lost 140 men. That was a high number considering the brigade was probably only going into the fight at 3/4 strength due to straggling from the day before. Plates in the Atlas of the Official Records also show the several dispositions of the Federals along the southern most lines. They switched back and forth up to six or seven times before breaking north toward Bald Hill.

The descriptions of the men in Carter's brigade describe three lines that the Federals occupied that they charged and had success on two of them specifically. The first was right after the abatis and would naturally be the line first occupied by the enemy. The second line was a makeshift line near the junction with a road that abruptly turned east - down which McPherson had been killed early on. This was the line against which that Carter's brigade and Eighth Tennessee attacked against. As they advanced east of the Federal line of works, the center of the regiment passed up the road that ran north and south. If they forced the enemy back to a further line from this, which they did, it would most certainly have to be the one and only road that ran generally north-south in rear of the Federal's original line of works. That would be the Flat Shoals Road. While members of Carter's brigade don't refer to the switching of sides along the earthworks that the Federals constantly did in their attempt to slow the Rebel advance, this explains that Mageveny's success was along both sides of their works - which allowed Carter's brigade the success it achieved. By Mageveny forcing the enemy up the works along both the inside and outside, it allowed Carter to move to their immediate right with the support of Lowery to clear the way to the southern approaches of Bald Hill.
 
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Worsham's "Old Nineteenth Tennessee Regiment" goes into the events briefly. He describes the attack by F. M. Walker's brigade that "was a desperate one, the enemy were driven back, but soon made a charge on us, in which they recaptured the guns we had taken from them." That initial breakthrough appears to be about all the fighting that Walker's brigade did that day, but it was bad enough. He stated that the brigade (Maney's) commanded by Walker lost 140 men. That was a high number considering the brigade was probably only going into the fight at 3/4 strength due to straggling from the day before. Plates in the Atlas of the Official Records also show the several dispositions of the Federals along the southern most lines. They switched back and forth up to six or seven times before breaking north toward Bald Hill.

The descriptions of the men in Carter's brigade describe three lines that the Federals occupied that they charged and had success on two of them specifically. The first was right after the abatis and would naturally be the line first occupied by the enemy. The second line was a makeshift line near the junction with a road that abruptly turned east - down which McPherson had been killed early on. This was the line against which that Carter's brigade and Eighth Tennessee attacked against. As they advanced east of the Federal line of works, the center of the regiment passed up the road that ran north and south. If they forced the enemy back to a further line from this, which they did, it would most certainly have to be the one and only road that ran generally north-south in rear of the Federal's original line of works. That would be the Flat Shoals Road. While members of Carter's brigade don't refer to the switching of sides along the earthworks that the Federals constantly did in their attempt to slow the Rebel advance, this explains that Mageveny's success was along both sides of their works - which allowed Carter's brigade the success it achieved. By Mageveny forcing the enemy up the works along both the inside and outside, it allowed Carter to move to their immediate right with the support of Lowery to clear the way to the southern approaches of Bald Hill.
Ok, thank you. So, my original point being, I think Gary Ecelbarger's book overlooks this. He implies that Lowery's Brigade and part of Carter's Brigade were not engaged until they advanced against Bald Hill, with only Mageveny's Brigade pushing back the Federals along the Flat Shoals Road, hence why I was confused here. I'm not saying I don't believe your take, which sounds more reasonable, given the accounts from Carter's Brigade.
 
Worsham's "Old Nineteenth Tennessee Regiment" goes into the events briefly. He describes the attack by F. M. Walker's brigade that "was a desperate one, the enemy were driven back, but soon made a charge on us, in which they recaptured the guns we had taken from them." That initial breakthrough appears to be about all the fighting that Walker's brigade did that day, but it was bad enough. He stated that the brigade (Maney's) commanded by Walker lost 140 men. That was a high number considering the brigade was probably only going into the fight at 3/4 strength due to straggling from the day before.
Also note that according to Ecelbarger's book, F. M. Walker's (Maney's) Brigade did not take part in the initial attack against Giles Smith's line earlier in the day, but was engaged in a second series of attacks against Bald Hill from 6:00 - 8:00 pm (from the western side of the hill).
 
Also note that according to Ecelbarger's book, F. M. Walker's (Maney's) Brigade did not take part in the initial attack against Giles Smith's line earlier in the day, but was engaged in a second series of attacks against Bald Hill from 6:00 - 8:00 pm (from the western side of the hill).
Yes, I wonder if he states that because Worsham refers to breaking Logan's lines instead of Smith's lines? I believe though that Worsham meant the capture of guns and prisoners from Smith because the Rebels never fractured the line and captured any guns at Bald Hill. Make sense?
 
Yes, I wonder if he states that because Worsham refers to breaking Logan's lines instead of Smith's lines? I believe though that Worsham meant the capture of guns and prisoners from Smith because the Rebels never fractured the line and captured any guns at Bald Hill. Make sense?
Right, I haven't read Worsham's book myself but I would bet that's the case. This would also make sense of Sam Watkins' account, who I know also mentions the breaking of the Federal line, etc.
 

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