"In 1856, and as late as July 1860, he expressed a willingness to buy slaves. Those blacks who were in his possession were frequently traded away for his own convenience, regardless of the destruction it caused to the bondsman's family. He ignores justice to the slaves and defends the rights of the slaveholder in both his 1841 and 1856 letters to his wife, and he continued to uphold laws that constrained blacks well after the war." [Elizabeth Brown Pryor, Reading the Man: A Portrait of Robert E. Lee Through His Private Letters, p. 145]
"His disdain for peoples unlike himself certainly reflected the society he lived in, but does not rise above it. Whereas some of his fellow officers found the Indians to be fascinating and honorable, Lee simply dismissed them. 'They are not worth it' was Lee's disdainful phrase for interacting with anyone who was not white." [Ibid., p. 150]
"To manage such a complex world of peoples and cultures, Lee professed a simple and inflexible social order, as tidy as the mathematical laws that governed his engineering. 'Though climate, government and circumstance have produced changes in the character of the people,' he once wrote, 'yet in all essential qualities they resemble the races from which they are sprung; and to no race are we indebted for the virtues and qualifications which constitute a great people than the Anglo-Saxon.' Blacks were clearly at the bottom of this racial scale. Lee believed that they were innately inferior to whites and that destiny favored the ascendancy of the Anglo-Saxons." [Ibid.]
"[In 1867] Privately he appears to have advocated restrictions on franchise rights that would exclude a great number of blacks as well as some whites from the polls. Finally, in the election of 1868 he openly backed the rightist [and racist] policies of the Democratic Party, sponsoring a meeting of former generals and other conservative southern leaders at the White Sulphur Springs. The group wrote a manifesto that called for an end to 'oppressive misrule,' dismissed legitimate power-sharing with the blacks, and proposed a return to the 'kindness and humanity' of their former social system." [Ibid., p. 451]
"Like others of his region, he persisted in truly believing that blacks were incapable of functioning on their own, that they had no inclination to work, and aspired to nothing beyond daily comfort and amusement. ... From the end of the war he took care to distance himself from the ex-slaves as much as possible, maintaining his control by aloofness. He tried to employ white rather than black servants in his household, though in the end the family acquiesced to hiring three or four 'tolerable ... respectable, but not energetic' freedmen. As before the war, his expectations fulfilled long-honed stereotypes. He told Congress he thought the ex-slaves less able than whites to acquire knowledge and inclined only to work sporadically on 'very short jobs ... they like their ease and comfort, and I think, look more to their present than to their future condition.' He advised his planter friends to shun black labor, for he felt the freedmen would work against their former owners and destroy property values. 'I have always observed that wherever you find the negro, everything is going down around him,' he told one cousin, 'and wherever you find the white man, you see everything around him improving.' Although he did not always state it so starkly, he continued to think, as he had told the _Herald,_ that the blacks had best be 'disposed of' and endorsed the idea of importing European workers to replace them. Lee particularly hoped that English immigration could be increased so that the South would benefit from 'good citizens whose interests & feelings would be in unison with our own.' " [Ibid., pp. 452-453]
"Lees vision did not include granting African-Americans the same option of productive citizenship that he wished to offer to immigrants. He explained to the Joint Committee on Reconstruction that 'at this time, they cannot vote intelligently' and that he opposed black enfranchisement on the grounds that it would 'excite unfriendly feelings between the two races.' He was also concerned about the educational opportunities being provided to the blacks by the Freedmen's Bureau and private northern charities, preferring they be taught by white Southerners, who were 'acquainted with their characters and wants.' Most of all he feared that blacks might procure enough political leverage to offset white control. The blacks lacked the capacity 'necessary to make them safe depositories of political power,' stated Lee and his compatriots." [Ibid., p. 453]