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Wade Hampton's advice to Confederate Veterans - 1866

Discussion in 'Post Civil War History, The Reconstruction Period' started by Andersonh1, Jan 9, 2017.

  1. cash

    cash Brev. Brig. Gen'l

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    And let's take a look at the real context, shall we?

    "With armed whites on the march, Negroes gathered at a church the next day to discuss a plan for defense. Reports quickly spread that black incendiaries were plotting to burn gin houses and murder innocent citizens. Men from Aiken and Edgefield, led by Andrew P. Butler, broke up a Republican meeting on September 16 and by the next morning had surrounded a large body of blacks in a swamp. Butler's officers met several Negroes who refused to hand over Pope to the enraged whites. After a brief discussion on this point, the parties agreed to disperse peacefully. As both sides departed, other blacks ambushed one of the white companies, and the rifle clubs galloped through the countryside shooting blacks in the cotton fields. Some red shirts forced terrified Negroes to fall on their knees and promise to vote Democratic. On September 20 the fighting spread to nearby Ellenton, a depot on the Port Royal railroad. Red shirts poured into Aiken to join the battle, but some blacks derailed their train near the station. The infuriated whites then murdered several Negroes, including state legislator Simon Coker, whom Tillman's men shot as he prayed for mercy. Military companies again besieged Negroes in a swamp,, but a detachment of federal troops arrived in time to prevent an almost certain massacre. ... All told, a handful of whites and perhaps as many as one hundred blacks died in the rioting, but the disorders were so widespread that casualty figures are guesses at best. Ignoring the large number of black corpses, Democrats held the Negroes responsible for the outbreak and shed many crocodile tears for the 'innocent' men arrested by United States Marshal David Corbin." [George C. Rable, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, pp. 173-174]

    "The paucity of voluntary conversions [of black voters to Democrat] led Democrats to use trickery, intimidation, and occasional violence to win black votes. Ballots that looked like Republican tickets but contained the names of Democratic candidates were distributed to illiterate Negroes. Red shirts rode into villages, hooting, hollering, and threatening to kill all the radicals if the Democracy did not carry the day. Belligerent whites crowded ballot boxes, brandishing their pistols and preventing Republicans from depositing their tickets. Deputy marshals in several precincts had to flee for their lives when Democrats took control of the polls. Armed Georgians crossed the state line and not only voted themselves but helped rifle clubs cow Republicans. Not unexpectedly, election day in Edgefield more nearly resembled a military engagement than an exercise in American democracy. Armed men arrived in town the night before and rode around giving the rebel yell, firing their pistols, and hurling bloodcurdling epithets at local Republicans. Gary and M. C. Butler brought their rabid followers out in full force very early in the morning to beat blacks to the polls as well as to beat them at the polls. Red shirts formed a solid line around the ballot boxes and prevented Negroes without Democratic tickets from approaching. Some Democrats, including helpful Georgians, voted several times during the day. Federal troops finally cleared a path to the polls for the blacks, but by that time many had gone home. ... The outcome of the South Carolina election was uncertain, but the Hampton forces quickly claimed a victory. The campaign had been a counterrevolutionary one modeled on those in Alabama and Mississippi but with some peculiar twists. Factionalism in the Republican party centered around the administration of a Republican governor who actively solicited the support of conservative whites and ignored the interests of black leaders. The usual carpetbagger-scalawag division was absent in South Carolina, where black politicians exercised more power than in any other southern state. Yet the Republicans seemingly surrendered without putting up much of a fight. ... Whatever its unusual features, the campaign taught southern Democrats a familiar lesson: what cannot be won through the normal political process can be secured by terrorism." [Ibid., pp. 175-176]
     
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  3. Bee

    Bee 1st Lieutenant Asst. Regtl. Quartermaster Gettysburg 2017

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    (said in squeaky old Paul Harvey voice) Now for the REST of the story...!
     
  4. Harvey Johnson

    Harvey Johnson Sergeant

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    Your excerpts below providing George Rable's version of events that happened nine years after Hampton's 1867 speech that Andersonh1 posted in the link below and for which I provided contemporary context are irrelevant because they do not pertain to the applicable speech.

    http://ldhi.library.cofc.edu/exhibits/show/after_slavery_educator/unit_five_documents/document_seven

     
    Last edited: Jan 10, 2017
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  5. Harvey Johnson

    Harvey Johnson Sergeant

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    Ha. Ha. Okay:

    1. Daniel Chamberlain who was Wade Hampton's defeated Republican opponent in the 1876 South Carolina gubernatorial elections later admitted that Hampton had publicly recommended "cooperation with the negroes in the elections" as early as 1868.*

    On September 16, 1876 Hampton addressed the public: "The only way to bring prosperity in this state is to bring the two races in friendly relations together...If there is a white man in this assembly who believes that when I am elected governor that I will stand between him and the law, or grant to him any privileges or immunities that shall not be granted to the colored man, he is mistaken."**

    Contrary to Foner's interpretation, Roy Morris's book about the Tilden-Hayes election states, "By early November there were eighteen separate black Democratic clubs in the state, and hundreds of black supporters donned the distinctive red shirt and marched alongside their white counterparts in elaborate campaign processions that snaked across the South Carolina countryside..."

    2. Although there was violence against Republicans in some parts of the state during the 1876 elections, Hampton openly disavowed it. Moreover, as even Foner admits, South Carolina black Republicans also initiated violence against black and white Democrats.

    After losing the election and fighting for his political life Chamberlain retailed lurid stories of Democratic misdeeds in hopes of getting the election overturned, but many army officers stationed at the affected areas said there had been little, if any, violence on election day. Colonel A. Randall in Edgefield, for example, said that he had seen elections in the North that were ten times louder. Despite an attempt by the Republican Election Returning Board to cast out enough Democratic votes to give Chamberlain the win, a Democratic appeal to the all-Republican state Supreme Court resulted in an overruling of the Board thereby enabling Hampton to become governor. ***

    3. Other points from Republican Carpetbagger Chamberlain's article:

    [As to Southern black suffrage] underneath all the avowed motives [among Washington Republicans]...lay a deeper cause--the...determination to secure party ascendancy and control of the South and the nation through negro vote....Would it be possibly credible that the reconstruction acts would have been passed if the negro vote had been believed to be Democratic?...Sentiment carried the day, hate, revenge, greed, lust of power. (474)

    It is now plain to all that reconstruction under the act of 1867 was...a frightful experiment...In the mass of...South Carolina colored voters in 1867 what...forces could have existed that made for good government?...Ought it not to have been clear...that good government could not be had from such an aggregation of ignorance?...Yet it was deliberately planned and welcomed in Washington.(476-77)

    To the feast of reconstruction...rushed thousands of men from the North who had almost as little experience of public affairs as negroes in the South and it must be added that as a class they were not morally the equal of the negroes of the South.(477)

    If valid, all the points raised by Chamberlain above are good reasons why voters would have favored Wade Hampton in the 1876 election. ​


    *Daniel Chamberlain, Atlantic Monthly "Reconstruction in South Carolina" (April 1901), 476
    **Roy Morris, Jr. Fraud of the Century, 152
    ***Ibid. 153, 180-81
     
    Last edited: Jan 10, 2017
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  6. cash

    cash Brev. Brig. Gen'l

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    Actually it's relevant because Hampton's speech was in the context of his move for political office. What I gave was how he achieved that office. Full context includes the results of actions and speeches which may be years down the road.
     
  7. Georgia Sixth

    Georgia Sixth Sergeant Major

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    Ha. What does it say about those of us who get the allusion to Harvey?
     
  8. Pat Young

    Pat Young Brev. Brig. Gen'l Forum Host Featured Book Reviewer

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    We're old?
     
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