Restricted Debate The South Carolina Secession convention, day by day


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Andersonh1

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McCrady gives one long statement during this debate, and then Dunkin gives an even longer one. They both feel that the postal service cannot be disrupted, and that arrangements will have to be made with the US government after secession to keep SC from being cut off from the world.

The convention will take over for the Federal government after secession in terms of commerce with foreign nations, as they will consider the United States to be.

"I take it that we are called upon to take special care of the postal arrangements. Our legislature has no power to make such arrangements. This grows out of our formal connection with the United States, and we have to bestow particular attention upon those relations. Your contractors have contracted with the Federal Union. Your faith is pledged to the United States, and you ought not to break in upon it without making some other arrangements, which will answer the purpose of fulfilling it."
The Legislature have considered this subject, and thought this the best thing to be done, but they had not the power to do it. It will require for them three days after the departure of this Convention, but we can do it at once, and therefore, I think the Committee on Postal Arrangements the very best. You will not then be bound to provide for any communication between the people of South Carolina and other nations, but your commercial arrangements make it necessary that you should have such communication.
Dunkin does not think secession will take long.

It may be submitted to you to-morrow. We do not intend to be hastened; we intend to lose no time; we are engaged only upon the matter of form, nor will we be long upon that. I can assume that this State will be out of the Union in a very few days if not in a very few hours.
The structure and procedures of the Union come in for some praise here, and care must be taken that it is not disrupted unduly during secession.

Mr. President, for many purposes the Union has worked well. The machinery is convenient and advantageous. Sir, having determined to go out of the Union, we should endeavor to do that with as little shock to the ordinary transactions of the community as is practicable, consistently with the position which we have assumed, and the character we purpose to maintain. Sir, when the machinery has gone on for some time you cannot stop it suddenly, unless you break it in some way.
Dunkin gives his opinion of what the reaction of the Federal Government should be to secession. And he thinks there should be a deadline for them to decide, which is a bit ominous. "Recognize us, or we'll resort to the "last extremity"". I cannot read that as anything but threatening the use of force of the Federal Government refuses to recognize secession.

To put it another way, they were not going to take no for an answer.

Now, sir, in regard to postal arrangements, I answer that to-morrow we take the attitude of a sovereign State, and that the rational man at the head of the Federal Government will, when the matter is presented to them, come to the conclusion that the rights which we have assumed are the rights which must be recognized, and that they will be prepared as soon as we are out of the Union - and we have no right to make the proposition while in the Union - to treat with us upon commerce, postal arrangements, and any other matter we may desire. Mr. President, I do not argue from kindly feelings, but from interest. It is as important to them as to us. The only thing is that a certain time should be given in which to form a determination. You cannot act without information, and your only object should be to make such temporary arrangements as will enable us to keep up our communications until the Government is prepared to say yea or nay, then we will have to resort to the last extremity.
There is some conversation here about "settling financial accounts" with the Federal government over Federal property that the state wants. So he is cognizant that the property must be paid for.

I had some conversation yesterday with Mr. Cobb. It was not such that I have no right to speak of it here. The revenues of the Postmaster of Charleston will most likely be kept, and they cannot be paid into the treasury of the State either. Mr. Cobb said that from the day the State went out of the Union, an account should be kept of the several transactions for the purpose of settling with the General Government. My friend from St. Phillip and St. Michael, yesterday, introduced a resolution proposing to inquire into one item of the property of the General Government, and we wish to have several items, and propose that all moneys received by the Collector and Postmaster should be considered in the account we have to settle with the General Government after the day of the ratification of the Ordinance.
He ends by hoping the unanimity of the state's population can be maintained going forward.
 
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Andersonh1

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Next, we come to the discussion of South Carolina versus United States property, and I"m going to break this up into smaller sections to better get at the arguments of the men speaking.
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DIVISION OF PROPERTY
Mr. MEMMINGER. Are all the resolutions disposed of? I beg leave to offer a resolution on -

The PRESIDENT. There is another Special Order. The next special order is the resolution of Mr. A. G. Magrath. It is as follows:

Resolved, That so much of the Message of the President of the United States as relates to what he designates “the property of the United States in South Carolina,” be referred to a committee of __________, to report of what such property consists, how acquired, and whether the purpose for which it was so acquired can be enjoyed by the United States after the State of South Carolina shall have seceded, consistently with the dignity and safety of the State. And that said committee further report the value of the property of the United States not in South Carolina; and the value of the share thereof to which South Carolina would be entitled upon an equitable division thereof among the United States.

Mr. MAGRATH. I propose to say a few words on the resolution. If we were now in a condition of profound peace, and about to inaugurate the Act of Secession by a concession to South Carolina from every other State, of its good will and its good wish, that resolution would be eminently proper and necessary; but when we are about to confirmate this great act without the good will and without the good wish of many of the State of the Confederacy, it is most important that the State of South Carolina should contend for their rights claimed in behalf of those States to be exercised within the limits of those other States. As I understand the message of the President of the United States, he affirms it as his right and constituted duty and high obligation to protect the property of the United States within the limits of South Carolina, and to enforce the laws of the Union within the limits of South Carolina. He says he has no constitutional power to coerce South Carolina while at the same time he denies to her the right of secession. It may be, Mr. President, and I apprehend it will be, Mr. President, that the attempt to coerce South Carolina will be made under the pretence of protecting the property of the United States within the limits of South Carolina. I am disposed, therefore, at the very threshold, to test the accuracy of this logic, and test the conclusions of the President of the United States. There never has been a day - no, not one hour - in which the rights of property within the limits of South Carolina, whether they belong to individuals, corporations, political community or nation, has not been as safe under the constitution and laws of South Carolina as when that right is claimed by one of our own citizens; and if there be property of the United States within the limits of South Carolina, that property, consistently with the dignity and honor of the State, and after the secession of South Carolina, receives on that protection which it received before it. Why, Mr. President, look at it! This property while in the Union belonged to the Union. Has it been before protected by the arms of the United States? When was it that the United States considered it necessary within the limits of South Carolina, to consider that its property here needed all that imperial protection which it seems to give it now? Does the act of secession throw the people of South Carolina into the position of robbers? No! If it be so, that the United States can occupy property within the limits of South Carolina, my opinion is that it can own it only as an individual can, subordinate to the government of South Carolina. When it is said that the United States has bought it, it must be remembered that when South Carolina withdraws from the Union her sovereign rights rise, and they are to be considered in reference to those rights of property asserted by the President: and when we look through the land of South Carolina and see the few ports and few places belonging to the United States, and then think of the vast property belonging to the United States to which the State of South Carolina has the highest right to participate in, and when we know that the right is to be attainted, and her title to be confiscated, I am very much disposed, in the face of the people of South Carolina - in the face of the United States - in the face of the whole world, here to raise the balance of justice, and here to let the weight of justice be asserted, and see if we owe anything to the United States. If there be a dollar owed by South Carolina to the United States, let it be paid by South Carolina; and if there be a dollar more than is due, demanded of South Carolina by the Federal Government, let the State of South Carolina be desolated before it be paid. There is one point to which I wish to advert. It is this: When the State of South Carolina shall in this Convention have passed the Ordinance of Secession; - when in full consideration of this responsibility, we shall attempt to assert for South Carolina the position of a free and independent State, it becomes us, as men who represent the public sentiment of South Carolina, to look full in the eye of the responsibility of that act; and for one, in my place, I shall vote against any connection, joint ownership, or agency, between the United States and the State of South Carolina, unless they stand in relation of equal, independent sovereigns. [Applause.] If, to make concessions for my convenience, I have to qualify that Ordinance, I shall forfeit the convenience, and disregard the advantage. One word more. There is one position to which we may be brought, and it is a position, so far as one man is concerned, I shall avoid most of all. It is the position of having the State of South Carolina seem, to the world, to secede because Mr. Buchanan, or any other man or power, besides the people of South Carolina, desire that act; and come what may, I do affirm it to be my best conviction to meet this consequence in the bold, defiant, understanding assertion. It may be, Mr. President, it may be that Mr. Buchanan is the friend of South Carolina - I do not say that he is not - I do most pointedly disclaim, however, the responsibility of saying that he is. I can come to no other conclusion except that he desires to escape the issue now before the United States, and which will involve us in war with the next President. I feel that I owe something to this Convention for having said so much on this subject, which simply calls for information. The resolution which preceded this, gave rise to an expression of individual sentiment. I have thought it not improper that I should venture upon some expression of my own.
 

Andersonh1

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Mr. Miles responds, and he is not at all worried about an attack sent by the President, or from the garrison at Moultrie.
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Mr. MILES. I had supposed that the raising of these committees would scarcely have led to general debate on the subject matter which would have been submitted to them; and with the greatest possible deference to the gentlemen, it did appear to me that the point of order was well taken, that the discussion was premature, and that the gentlemen should wait until the committees were appointed. The remarks just offered make it, in my judgment, perhaps well and desirable that I should say a very few words. As the gentlemen may all know I am very recently from Washington. I went on there for the purpose of informing myself as thoroughly and carefully as possible, of all matters pertaining to South Carolina. We should also be in the camp of the enemy - not as spies, but as vigilant sentinels - to procure all the information which we can conceive of as valuable to our people. Now, sir, the remarks of my friend appear to me likely to give, perhaps, what I consider erroneous impressions. I will confine myself simply to the matter of the forts in the harbor of Charleston, and will state what I conceive to be the real condition of things. I have not the remotest idea that the President of the United States will send any reinforcement whatsoever into these forts. I desire no concealment - there should be no concealment - but perfect frankness. I will state here that I and some of my colleagues, in a conversation with the President of the United States, and subsequently in a written communication, to which our names were signed, after speaking of the great excitement about the forts, we said thus to him: "Mr. President, it is our solemn conviction that if you attempt to send a solitary soldier to these forts, that the instant the intelligence reaches our people, and we shall take care that it does reach them, for we have sources of information in Washington, so that no orders for troops can be issued without our getting information - these forts will be forcibly and immediately stormed." We all assured him that if an attempt was made to transport reinforcements that our people would take these forts, and that we would go home and help them to do it. For it would be suicidal folly for us to allow the forts to be manned. And we farther said to him that a bloody result would follow the sending of troops to those forts, and that we did not believe that the authorities of South Carolina would do anything prior to the meeting of this Convention, and that we hoped and believed that nothing would be done after this body met, until we had demanded of the General Government the recession of these forts. This was the substance of what we said. Now, sir, it is my most solemn conviction that there is no attempt going to be made to reinforce these forts. In addition to this, what do we see just as I left Washington? We see the President's right hand man - his near and dear personal friend - going from the Cabinet on this precise issue. Gen. Cass, Secretary of State, urged and vehemently proposed the strengthening of the garrisons around Charleston. It was discussed day after day in Cabinet meetings, and the President permitted his friends to withdraw rather than send reinforcements. Now, would it be reasonable to suppose that the President, immediately after, should yield to other things, when he should refuse to yield to his prime office? Mr. Buchanan cannot be so weak, so vacillating. I feel that there is, therefore, not the slightest earthly reason that his administration will reinforce these garrisons. Do any of you whatsoever concede it? If so, I am not talking to you. Does any honorable gentleman on this floor wish to procure a collision with the General Government, while our sister States are now cautiously approaching to our side? Do we wish to present the spectacle to the civilized world of any thing like weakness, cowardice or timidity? Instead of retiring peacefully, it would be rashness, even though carrying out a logical technicality, which would bring about a bloody civil war. The strength of our position before the footstool of Almighty God is, that we will not strike unless first assaulted. What is the condition of these forts? A handful of men in Fort Moultrie - actually so small that their power is worn out.

Do you believe - do you have any apprehension - that these sixty-five men will injure the peace and security of the people of Charleston - that they will turn their guns and fire a shot upon Charleston? And suppose you have? How would you answer the first shot? It will be time enough to talk then. We are told that it is strongly fortified. Why, if I was in Major Anderson's situation I should consider myself utterly derelict in my duty if I did not take just the steps he has taken. He is there with a handful of troops, and he does not know that he will be reinforced. We all know that in the old conservative city of Charleston there never has been such wild excitement as prevailed a few weeks ago. You could have gone up the Bay shore with some crowd on any night, and rushed upon Fort Moultrie; approaching in the rear, and they not suspecting you, you could have massacred them in the night. Is it not right to make these preparations strictly for defence, and these are not offensive preparations, but preparations for defence. Is that to batter down the city of Charleston? As to the works at Fort Sumter, so much the better. Let the General Government spend as much money as it chooses, and put the fort in the most efficient condition, so long as there is not a man there to defend it. So much the better - it must be finally ours, and the works on an empty fortification, which we can control and seize in a moment, should certainly not give us any apprehension. I regret, Mr. President, that is is not in my power to state things which I know confidentially, and which I think would produce in the minds of every member the strong convictions I entertain that we need not apprehend any collision, or any attempt at the use of those fortifications for offensive purposes against us at all.
 
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Andersonh1

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A committee to draft the Causes of Secession is agreed to.
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CAUSES OF SECESSION.

Mr. MEMMINGER. Mr. President, I beg leave to offer the following resolution:

Resolved, That a committee, to consist of seven members, be appointed to draft a summary statement of the causes which justify the withdrawal of South Carolina from the Federal Union.

It appears to me, Mr. President, that outside of the United States, and probably outside of South Carolina, the position of this State in taking her place among the nations of the world, is not at all understood. We have directed a committee to prepare an Ordinance of Secession. We have directed another committee to prepare an address to the slaveholding States. If the Committee on the Ordinance of Secession see fit to precede that Ordinance with such a statement as this resolution proposes, then of course the functions of the Committee will have been discharged, and I will move to discharge the Committee from the further consideration of the subject. But, as I apprehend the Committee to draft the Ordinance of Secession will confine itself to matters legitimately belonging to such Ordinance, it appears to me very proper that another committee should be appointed, which in some such summary form will present to the whole world the causes which justify South Carolina in leaving this Union. The fact should be presented that South Carolina is not a State in rebellion to a government over it; but a State in league with co-States, and merely separating from those co-States, and about to resume her original position as one of the nations of the earth. It is due to ourselves and to the world, that we should state, in a succinct form, the causes which induced us to that act. If these causes were written down in any docket, or were provided for in this Convention, I would not offer this resolution; but it seems to me just and right that we should set ourselves right before the world, and exhibit ourselves in our true position.

The question being taken, the resolution was agreed to.
 
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Andersonh1

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APPOINTMENT OF COMMISSIONERS.

Mr. HAYNE. Mr. President, I beg leave to present two resolutions for the purpose of having them referred. I will read them:

Whereas, The causes which have produced the separation of South Carolina from the Federal Union, have emanated from the States North of Mason and Dixon's line, using hireling labor only; and whereas, it has not been against the Constitution of the United States that South Carolina has opposed her sovereignty, but the usurpation of a government in violation of this instrument.

Resolved, That a commission be sent to each of the slaveholding States, bearing a copy of the Ordinance of Secession, and proffering to each State, or any one or more of them, the existing Constitution of the United States as the basis of a Provisional Government, to be adopted on the part of South Carolina and any other slaveholding State or States which, after seceding from the present Federal Union, shall be willing to unite with South Carolina in the formation of a new Confederacy; and we do hereby ratify and confirm, from the date thereof, any action taken by such Commissioner or Commissioners, by and with the consent of the Governor of South Carolina, in the formation of such Provisional Union; and we do further earnestly recommend that in ____ days, after two or more States, in addition to South Carolina, shall have acceded to the said Provisional Union, an election shall be held for Senators and members of the House of Representatives of the new Congress, and President and Vice-President of the new Confederacy.

Resolved, That three Commissioners be appointed to carry an authorized copy of the Ordinance of Secession to Washington, to be laid before the President of the United States, with the request that the same shall be communicated to the Congress now in session, and said Commissioners are hereby authorized and empowered to treat for the delivery of the Forts, Magazines, Light Houses, and other real estate, and all appurtenances thereto, within the geographical limits of South Carolina; the authority to treat upon these subjects to be extended to the ____ day of February, which shall be in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one - provided, in the meantime, the said Forts, Magazines, and other places, are allowed to remain in the condition in which they may be at the adoption of this Ordinance, and that they shall be further empowered to treat upon the subject of the public debt, and for a proper division of all other property than the above now held by the Government of the United States, as agent of the States now embraced in said Confederacy, until such time as a new Confederacy of States shall be formed, of which South Carolina shall be one.

A single word, sir, in explanation of the purposes of these two resolutions. The object of the first is one, I think, of the very gravest importance. It is an object, I am sure, which will be recommended to the consideration of every member of this Convention; it is that, in view of the secession of the Southern States, there should be, as soon as possible, some provisional government or Union, which should bring those States to act together.

It has been suggested, in submitting this resolution, that no other Provisional Government could be as speedily adopted as the Government of the Union, to which our people have been accustomed - that Government of Union which they understand, and which has had the interpretation placed upon every clause of its Constitution. However wise and suitable any new form of Government might be, it could not receive that speedy assent which the proposition here presented meets from every neighboring State. It will be considered a mere Provisional Government, just intended for the government of a permanent Union, unless hereafter adopted in a Convention and ratified by the several States that are to be formed into such Confederacy. It is then but a Provisional Government; but a Provisional Government would go into operation with the construction of the right of secession far more fully established than any additional clause in the instrument could add. According to this project, it will be perceived that this being considered as a mere temporary course, we could recommend to our Commissioners to make only such material alterations in this Constitution as would adapt it to the new order of things, and that upon their agreement with the other States, it would, so far as we are concerned, immediately go into operation as a provisional government. I simply throw out these views in explanation of my resolutions, and I merely present them for the purpose of having them referred to the proper Committee. I move that the first resolution be referred to the Committee on Relations with the Slaveholding States, and that the second be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
 

Andersonh1

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Robert Rhett responds: Why are we in such a rush to put ourselves back under another government? Enjoy our independence!
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Mr. RHETT. Mr. President, I believe that the motion to refer the subject, can be spoken to. I wish to say a very few words on the subject brought forward. The first proposition is, sir, that we shall have a Provisional Government. Now, whether a Provisional Government is expedient or not, depends very much on the intervening time between the period of seceding, and that period when we will have a permanent Government. How long is that? Suppose, sir, we secede to-morrow. The last Southern State to meet in Convention is Georgia, on the 17th of January. Suppose we pursue the course here indicated, of appointing Delegates from this Convention to attend a Convention of the slave-holding States, or of such of the slaveholding States as shall agree with us to form a Constitution and Union. Sir, Georgia, meeting on the 17th of January, can appoint these Commissioners and go out as speedily as we do, say on the 20th day of January. Alabama, Florida and Mississippi will have met before that period, and if they conform to our invitation to send delegates to a Convention to form a Southern Confederation, we can meet in Convention by the first day of February next. So here we are in December, and by the first day of February next, if the other Southern States pursue our action in appointing delegates to form a Constitution for a Southern Confederacy, that Convention can then be in full operation. Why is it worth while to have a Provisional Government? And above all, Mr. President, is it worth while to take up this Constitution of the United States for any purpose under Heaven - a Constitution under which we have been suffering and laboring for thirty years - a Constitution so full of equivocations and doubt, that whilst north of the Potomac it sets up a consolidated despotism over us, south of it we are constituted into a mere nominal dependence upon the Government. What has brought this Convention here to day? Why are we assembled? It is because that Constitution has failed. It is because that Constitution no longer guarantees to us liberty or safety. It is essentially a despotism in the hands of the Northern majority, by which the South has been oppressed for forty years, and by which the institutions of the South are about to be overthrown unless we interpose; and are we to authorize any men under Heaven to establish over us again such a Constitution as that? It is useless to say that we have the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in its favor. Do we not know that these decisions are not regarded by these Northern confederates? In their estimation the Constitution of the United States should be resisted unless it gives to the North the control of the South. Now, sir, even if we had to wait a long period of time - if it was a year - I would never sign again that Constitution to reign over me for one day if I can prevent it. It has failed in the objects for which it was created, and, therefore, the purpose for which we come together is to make that Constitution conform to the exigencies of our condition - to make it a Constitution of a free people - to take way these constructions and equivocations by which it has been made, in the hands of a Northern majority, an unlimited despotism over the South. Sir, what will we suffer by remaining alone a little while longer? Why do you seem to be in such haste to run away from independence? Why, Mr. President, South Carolina has the vantage ground of the South, and the South has the advantage of the world. Only remain in an independent position and the whole South will come into the circumstances which you desire to bring about - a free Constitution on the one hand, and on the other the right to do as you please. I hope, sir, we will proceed with deliberation, and in no hurry to change our position. It may not be impossible that even after a Southern Confederacy has been organized that its Constitution may contain such provisions that it will be incumbent on us to reject it. We have now obtained the desired opportunity of our lives, to establish for ourselves a Constitution that shall endear itself to the people - a Constitution free in spirit, and giving liberty to ourselves and to our posterity. And if we fail to take advantage of it we are recreant to ourselves and our posterity. Let us establish here for centuries a free government, and make our confederates join with us in doing it, thus controlling the interests and commanding the respect of the world. Wherefore should there be any haste? I send a Commissioner to make a Constitution for me! South Carolina send a Commissioner to make a Constitution for her! After thirty years of trouble and agitation, will South Carolina send Commissioners to amend the Constitution for her and her posterity. I give a batch of men the right to make a Constitution for me! Sir, not for a day - not for an hour. Let us remain as we are - free as air, after throwing off the yoke of this flagitious government. Let us remain where we are, and they will meet us promptly in two months, in three months, with full preparation, and we will form a Southern Confederacy, with a Constitution the best the world has ever seen, that time nor tide will not change, and that will last as long as our institutions last, - as long as liberty itself.

Mr. President, let us be true to ourselves, and true to the position of our integrity and independence, and neither with haste or delay, but with the true dignity that becomes us in dealing with others, wait as long as the exigency requires, and when we meet, make a Constitution that will secure us from future oppression - a Constitution for ourselves and posterity forever.
 

Andersonh1

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Mr. KEITT. I do not propose to answer in detail the remarks made by the gentleman who has just taken his seat. His whole argument amounts to this - that the Constitution of the United States has inflicted upon us the injuries under which we are now suffering.

The ground which we have therefore taken is, that the Constitution of the United States, long borne by affection, has inflicted these injuries. The present issue now before the Convention is, to take this State out of the Union, and then to lay the foundation of a new Confederacy. The time is at hand. There are no difficulties in the way. Therefore we may pay little attention to that. Now comes the other great question. The gentleman from Charleston [Mr. Rhett] asks, will you submit to this prostituted Constitution - a Constitution which a fanatical majority has converted into an engine of tyranny? No, says he, I will not; but I will come with a Constitution that will last through all time. Mr. Madison said the same when he framed the Constitution which the gentleman denounces. So said the gentleman from Charleston. I am by no means sure that any five gentlemen on this floor can, out of their own brain, elaborate a constitution which in ten days will not be liable to numerous objections. We are now proceeding to lay the foundation of a new confederacy. If the gentlemen proposes to keep the State in a condition of isolation, to reject confederacy with our Southern sisters - if so, then we are running from the very independence we are about to establish. If we accept the constitution of the new confederacy, does the gentleman mean to say we have relinquished our sovereignty? Are we not just now asserting that when we adopted the constitution in 1789, we did not give up our independence, but we merged our sovereignty into it? If so, the ordinance should read very different from what it will. We have a right to withdraw from this Union. I am therefore at a loss to determine what advantage we forfeit in making our Constitution a provisional one. I object to the Constitution of the United States as a permanent one. It's working has been defective. Its framers anticipated that, and provided for its amendment. I would not, therefore, accept it as a permanent instrument. If we must secede, must we not go off under some constitution? It has taken you thirty years of an unparalleled exhibition of intellect to bring the people to the point which they are now on. Have you the same unanimity in Florida, Georgia or Alabama? They are not up to the point at which you have arrived. Leading men in Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi have told me that the Constitution of the United States, as it now stands, is revered by the people of those States. By concocting constitutions from our own brains, thus you put stumbling blocks in the way of those who are not moved by our own interests. I want this constitution to last but twelve months. I would have it limited to that time, thus forcing these other States to form another constitution. There are many amendments which I would offer if the Constitution of the United States were under consideration.
 

Andersonh1

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Day 2 wraps up with a few quick items.
- discussions of order
- discussion of printing the resolution
- returning a communication on amendments to the writer
- a resolution to appoint 3 representatives to send to Washington to make arrangements and keep peace and amity
- a committee to discuss what legislation by Congress would remain and what would not after secession

And then they adjourn at the early hour of 3:00. I assume the committees would go into session to do their work over the course of the afternoon and evening.

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James Lutzweiler

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SPEECH OF MR. HOOKER
Mr. HOOKER then addressed the Convention as follows:

Gentlemen of the Convention of South Carolina, Coming to you as the representative of a sister sovereign State, at this most important and critical period of our history, I feel it, gentlemen of the Convention, to be my duty to speak to you, what I know to be the sentiment of the people whom I represent. I feel it my duty to possess this body with the exact condition of things which exist in Mississippi at this important crisis of our history.

I have been profoundly gratified at the cordial welcome and the kindly hospitality which has met me in the home of my nativity, and I have been more profoundly gratified when I reflected that it has been visited upon me, not so much as a matter of personal compliment, but as an indication of that homogeneous disposition of the people, to the strong ties of affinity which bind men of Missisippi to men of Carolina. [Applause.]

I am deputed, gentlemen of the Convention, to speak the sentiments of the State which I have the honor to represent, by virtue of a resolution which passed both branches of our Legislature, without a single dissenting voice. I have also the honor to announce to you that the bill convoking the sovereign people of the State of Mississippi, in Convention, was also passed by both branches of our Legislature without a single dissenting voice. [Applause.] Coming, therefore, thus authorised by the Legislature of the State, and speaking what I know to be the sentiments of the people of Mississippi, I feel authorized to say to you, it gives me profound gratification to be able to say that, coming back to the home of my nativity, I listen to-day wtih a proud pleasure and gratification to the words of wisdom and patriotism that fell from the lips of the Governor elect, and I propose to say to you that there was not one sentiment in his memorable address to the Legislature which would not have received the sound hearty plaudits in Mississippi that it met from the men of Carolina. [Applause.] And yet, I have felt that I would have been untrue to my mother adn false to the instincts of the soil upon which I was reared, did I not give a hearty response to every sentiments. I have also felt and known that I would be equally untrue to the home of my adoption and the sentiment that reigns, that rules the hearts of the people, did I not give, on her part, a cordial approbation to every sentiment that fell from his lips. [Applause.]

I do not know, Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention, that the occasion requires or demands that I should go into a general discussion of the political ethics of the country. I would deem it somewhat inappropriate to the occasion - inappropriate, alone, however, because I come simply to speak to you the sentiments of the people of Mississippi, and convey to you what was the authoritative action in our Legislature, and when I have done this, I shall have felt my mission ended.

But there is a question presented by your very convocation here; and one which, perhaps, has not been understood in most of the Southern and Southwestern States of the Confederacy, to the extent and depth in which you understand it in South Carolina; I mean the question of how the features of the Federal Government, or the ties of its existence, is to be changed. There is, however, a great principle underlying all constitutions and governments - I mean the great principle which is enumerated in the very second article of the Bill of Rights attached to the Constitution of Mississippi, and most of the States of the Confederacy - to claim that it is the right of the people to alter, to change, to amend, aye, to abolish the form of government, whenever to them it shall seem proper. [Applause.] That, gentlemen of the Convention, is the great principle which underlies not only your Federal Constitution, but which lies at the basis of all your State Constitutions - the right of the people, the power of the people, aye, and the duty of the people, to resume the powers of government, with which they have entrusted their agents, whenever those agents have proven and manifested themselves to be unfaithful in the discharge of the trust. [Loud applause.] I say that it is a great principle which underlies alike the powers granted to the Federal Government, and the powers granted by the people to State Government; and when it shall fail to be recognized, when it shall fail to be admitted, then the existence of the Government is a mere question of the power of the Government to perpetuate itself. [Applause] And, in reference to the Federal Government, while it exists somewhat under different forms from State Governments, it still exists, dependent upon this great general principle, which we of Mississippi have always contended to belong alike to the Federal and State Governments. We seem to be almost oblivious to the fact, and this great question of the right of the sovereign States of the Confederacy, each acting for herself and by herself, and bound only by her own act. We seem almost to have been forgetful of the origin of the Government itself. This great right of the sovereign parties to the compact, whenever the Federal Government has departed from the orbit in which the Constitution bids it move; in the language of your great statesman, it is not a simple right, but it is the duty of the sovereign creators to speak to it in the language of master, and bid it move back again in the orbit in which the Constitution has directed it to move. [Applause.]

I say that it is the great principle which underlies the Federative Government alike, as the other great principle which I have enunciated underlies the State Constitutions. As under the State Constitutions the power of the people at all times exists to resume the authority entrusted to its agents, and to resume its government of the Convention, in the mode and manner in which they invested them with it - so the right and the power and the duty exists on the part of the States to resume the authority they have granted to the Federal Government, whenever that Federal Government shall seek to pervert it. The two great principles are alike in their application; and what I had occasion to say at home I will repeat here: that if the pen of the historian shall ever record their downfall, not merely in the Government, not merely in the Union, but their downfall in the hearts of the people, that that act recorded by him will be as much owing to the truculency of the minority in the Government as it will be to the aggressive acts of the majority. [Applause.]
We have been taught to think and believe in Mississippi that all governments are but agencies established by the people to effect certain great purposes and ends, and, therefore, being but agencies, and especially your Federal Government being an agent, acting under the strict letter of the Constitution, whenever that agent exceeds its authority, and assumes a power never granted, the States must be untrue to themselves if they fail to speak to that government in the language of master. This is our idea in Mississippi of the character of the government. We have been taught to believe, gentlemen of the Convention, that it originated precisely as your State government originated - by the consent of the people. Your State Government, having its origin by the consent of the people, your Federal Government owes its existence to the consent of the sovereign States who made it, and I say the same grand principle underlies them both, only in different degrees. In reference to a State Government, the consent of the governed gives power to the Governor. The Governor does not become the people, but their agent; and so in the Federal Government this power exists by the consent of the sovereign States who framed it. Aye, I may say in the language of the noted Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, that "the States are the breath of its nostrils, and have the power to put an end to it to-morrow by a bare refusal to elect Senators and Representatives." [Applause]
I have thus stated these two propositions, one of which pertains to State Governments, and the other to the Federal Government, in order to show that when we adopted the existing Constitution - when the States met in solemn convocation at Philadelphia, in 1787, and framed the Constitution, they acted by States, they voted by States, and they voted clause by clause that Constitution into power; but when that Convention had met, acted and adjourned, the Constitution of the United States was an idle piece of parchment, devoid of life and vitality. It required the sovereign masters of that Convention, the separate States, to breath into it vitality and power of existence. [Applause.] Hence it was that the ninth article of the Constitution is known as the Ratification Article. It required nine of the eleven states of the Union to adopt that Constitution. I mean to say, that with all the wisdom and all the patriotism that reigned and ruled in that Convention when Washington and Madison, and the Rutledges, and all the great men of power in the days of the Revolution, lived - I mean to say that even after they had performed their duties, and favored the existence of the present Constitutional Government, it was referred back to the sovereign States, each to act for herself and to be bound alone by her own act. [Applause.] I mean to say that when it was referred to the people of South Carolina they had a right, if, in their judgment they thought proper, so far as they were concerned, to have defeated its adoption, because, by the article of ratification that Constitution was a compact only between the States ratifying the same. [Applause.] Thus you see it was in the power of four of the smallest States of the Confederacy with a population of something less than three hundred thousand absolutely to have defeated the object of the Constitution itself. And then, too, by this article of ratification, no State that did ratify it possessed the power to ratify it for any other State, but only to ratify it as to herself; and hence it was taht Virginia, New York, Rhode Island, and various other States of the Confederacy in their articles of ratification, declared that whenever the power of the Government should be perverted to the destruction of the liberties of the people of the State, they had the right and authority, and the duty devolved upon them, to resume these bonds. [Applause.]

This being then the character of the government, the question arises whether or not the exigency has arisen which requires that the sovereign States of the Confederacy who made the Federal Government by their sovereign act, ought to resume to themselves the power, and authority, and duty, with which they have invested the Federal Union. And while I refer to the existing state of things in speaking to you, gentlemen of the Convention of South Carolina, I may speak somewhat in advisory terms, but not intentionally on my part; and should I do so, it is only because I believe, aye, I may say I know, that the interest and welfare, and destiny and fate of South Carolina, , is the interest, welfare, destiny and fate of Mississippi. [Loud applause.] The question arises simply as to whether or not the exigency has arisen which makes it the duty of sovereign States of this Confederacy to resume the powers with which they entrusted the Federal Government. I hope that it is unnecessary in speaking to Carolina to say, if she has the right to form the government, she has also the right to change it, and then your government exists alone to the extent and capacity and power which it possesses to make itself perpetual. In other words, I mean to say that if the authority with which you have invested the Federal Government is not subject to resumption, and if that Federal Government, whether acting through its Legislative, Executive or Judicial departments, possesses the power to determine your existence in it, then you have no other authority to reverse that government, or annul it, than have the serfs of Russia to change the form of government under which they live. I say, if the authority and right does exist under the rights of the States to resume the powers with which they entrusted the Federal Government, whether acting as one, two or three States, then they have the ability to resist the act by all the means in their power. We have thought, in Mississippi, that in all probability the great principle that all government is based upon the consent of the people, would be recognized by the federal authority: it would not be questioned that it would not be doubted, that no body of men, in any State, would be found who would question it. On that we may be mistaken. It is barely possible that the federal government as now constituted, or as it will be constituted on the 4th of March next, will forget the great fact that it is based upon the sovereign States who made it, that it owes its origin and daily existence to the volunteer act of those States remaining in the Union. I say that may object, but as was so well alluded to by the distinguished Governor elect to-day, which I had the honor to hear: "We must remember that this government was created, principally for the conduct of our foreign relations - principally to give strength to us abroad, and in order to constitute us a power on the earth." Now, what has been the history of the Federal Government for the last three years? Has it been an effort to give to the people of the United States, as a people homogeneous, alike political interest, and social welfare and elevated position on the page of history? No, my countrymen; it has been a disgraceful squabble on the floors of the National Legislature to make one portion of this people of despotic power, a controlling element in the government; in order to oppress the other portion. [Applause.] I have been told that the history of the Union was a National history, around which, in spite of the opposition to it, clung the warmest affections of our people; and I have begged leave to remind the friends who made the suggestion to me, that, in the Declaration of Independence, our fathers saw fit to declare, not that the people of the United States, but that these colonies are and ought to be free and independent States. The history of the revolution shows nothing more than that they established the great doctrine of mutual independence. [Applause.] They never intended that State lines should be obliterated; and when the mind of New England, with a great Constitutional lawyer, a man of lofty and proud intellect, and enormous power, stood in the Congress of the United States contending for this as a government operating upon the people of a State - we say it with respect - he stood there as a partizan warrior advocating the interest of his client; and the great statesman of the West, he whose name indeed has become national, and whose fame belongs to the country at large, when he stood in the Congress of the United States claiming the authority of the Constitution of the United STates, and arguing the powers of the Government to inaugurate and force it, he stood there as a great popular orator, but also as a partizan lawyer, defending the case of his client [applause]: but when your own immortal statesman, who spoke not for the glory, aye no, and not for the generation, but who spoke for all time to come, who spoke ex cathedra, because he spoke the truth, the simple truth - when your own great Calhoun was heard, he established, at least in the hearts of the people of Carolina and her sister States, the great principle that this was a Government based on the consent of the people, and that the Federal Government is but the agent of the States, and could not exist a day with out them. [Applause.]

I have thus, Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention, approached the view which we of Mississippi take of this question, and I beg to say while it is true in Mississippi we have not the good fortune you have in South Carolina, yet, since the election of Lincoln, all party lines in Mississippi have been obliterated [applause], and the people stand as a mass, without reference to the distinctions which have hitherto divided them. Men, for instance, known as opposition, now stand side by side by the candidates for the Convention who are known to be fore States Rights. That is owning in a large measure to the fact that our population is infused in a greater or less degree with men of the old State of South Carolina. [Applause.]
I am happy, however, to announce now, that we have no parties in Mississippi. [Applause]. And that in the town in which I live, the capital of the State, when we heard of your action, and when the day before I left home I attended a Convention in my own county, I announced to them the fact that there was entire unanimity throughout your State, a solid phalanx demanding the right and the authority to resume the powers entrusted to the Federal Government - when I made that announcement to the people of the county in which I live, not one, not two, not a dozen, but every man in the vast audience to which I spoke, rose as one man and proclaimed that he would stand by South Carolina, by her vote, for weal or for woe. [Loud and prolonged applause.]

I have alluded, gentlemen of the Convention, somewhat incidentally, but perhaps it is my duty to refer more particularly, to the action of the Legislature of the State of Mississippi. I have the pleasure of announcing to you that when the Convention bill was proposed in the House of Representatives, it was referred to a special committee for consideration, reported to the House, and adopted without debate, quietly and silently, and with that resolute determination and fixed duty of purpose which indicate that men have passed the period of discussion and debate. [Applause.] I have the pleasure of announcing to you that the other branch of the Legislature, the Senate, also adopted the measure without a dissenting voice.

When it was proposed that the Legislature should authorize the Executive of the State to send Commissioners to other States, soliciting their co-operation in the position which Mississippi has taken, that resolution was also passed without a single dissenting voice. The resolutions on Federal Relations, as we admirably term them in Mississippi, which I had the honor to present to the Executive, were introduced, not by an old States Rights man, but one regarded as with the opposition, and without whom we were not certain, even in Mississippi, of success. I will not weary you be reading the long preamble to these resolutions, for we struck it out and let the simple resolutions stand by themselves. I do not mean to state that every man in the State is pledged to it, because there are some who have said "we are with you, we are Minute Men with you, and stand by you ready when summoned to aid the Southern States. Take the advance movement and we will be there as readily as your States Rights or Secession men, but we believe it will be a war of revolution instead of a peaceful resumption by a sovereign State of the powers invested in the General Government." We have told them "we have no quarrel with your motives; we will not ask you to assign a reason. We know you to be wrong in regard to the reasons which animate you, but still we know that in the final hour, in the day of trial, you will stand heart to heart, shoulder to shoulder, hand to hand, with us." The resolutions were passed by the Legislature by an overwhelming majority, but not with the entire unanimity of the Convention Bill, or the resolution authorizing the Executive to appoint Commissioners to the various States. but still with a majority so overwhelming, that although division was called for, but a few feeble voices here and there dissented to it. I will read the resolution to which I refer:
Resolved, by the Legislature of the State of Mississippi, that in the opinion of those who now constitute the State Legislature, the secession of each aggrieved State is the proper remedy for these injuries. [Loud applause.]

I have the pleasure to announce to you, gentlemen, that this was not an idle resolution - it was not one adopted without calmness and forethought and reflection and deliberation - for I beg to assure you that the people I have the honor to represent are not in a passion upon this question, but have acted considerately, resolutely, and in a determined form. There is no excitement upon this question amongst my people. The principle of that resolution, declaring that the appropriate and proper remedy is the separate secession of each aggrieved State, is the principle which will be found the ruling and controlling element in the Convention which will meet on the 7th January next. [Applause.] And while there may be - while there doubtless will be some few dissenting voices; for, as I have said, heretofore we have not the pleasure of having the unanimity you have. Even the Opposition party of Mississippi - the frankest man of that party - the man of the most formidable intellect, and most tremendous power - a man I know and respect as a citizen but differ from in politics - has not hesitated to declare, and in print as well as by speech, that the election of Mr. Lincoln even he regarded as an open declaration of war on the part of the Northern people. [Applause].

I present this to you, gentlemen of the Convention, in order to properly explain the attitude of even the opposition men in Mississippi. Even they feel that the emergency or exigency has arisen which imperiously requires of her, in her sovereign capacity, to resume the authority entrusted to the Federal Government. We have been anxious, Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention, to secure co-operation in every Southern slaveholding State. It was recommended by our Governor, in a message sent to our Legislature, that a bill be revived which formerly stood on the statute books of Mississippi, interdicting the introduction of slaves from border slave States. We felt that the true policy at this time, and in this emergency, and under the circumstances in which we are placed, that we should do aught which indicated the slightest distrust of any slave State of the Confederacy, and therefore that portion of the message was not favorably acted upon by the Legislature.

I have said that we earnestly desired co-operation; and while I say this, as i feel it my duty to say to you, we have not thought of obtaining it. I beg to say again, that even the opposition party have said that while they demanded that this co-operation should be invited, it did not follow that we should refuse to act. The argument advanced is simple, and is intended to give out that we do not intend to attach ourselves to anybody but what is assimilated to ourselves. [Applause.] And, therefore, I say, gentlemen of the Convention, as a simple act of courtesy to the other slave States, the Executive has appointed, or will appoint, delegates to all these States, simply soliciting action, but not to feel that Mississippi is bound by any refusal to act. [Applause.]

Allow me to say that, acting upon a principle which has been inaugurated in Mississippi years ago, that profound as is our respect, deep and abiding as is our love for that State which has ever stood in the first rank in defending the liberties of the country, even South Carolina could not control Mississippi. [Applause.] In other words, she claims for herself the right to act upon this matter as you claim for yourselves the right to act. We learned the lesson from you, gentlemen, that is is not only the right, but the solemn duty of each State, now that a Northern sectional majority has or will have control of the Government, to declare for secession. Why longer continue in this government? May I not say, in the language of an eloquent Virginian, "Why stand you here idle?"

We stand here to-day on the face of the earth, with all the financial embarassments which surround us, the sole and single people who have, by their social system, explained the relation between capital and labor. Why at the North and in England there is a constant warfare.

The simple question then, as I said before, gentlemen of the Convention, is as to whether or not you will resume the powers with which you have invested the Federal Government. WE had hoped, in Mississippi, that we would be able to take action with you simultaneously. We had hoped that we should hear a voice coming from the land of flowers, and the prairies of Texas, and from the banks of the great Father of waters where it washes the shores of Louisiana and Mississippi, and from Georgia and Alabama, all at the same time; but circumstances having convoked your Convention at a period somewhat prior to that at which the Conventions of Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi were to act, the question is presented whether or not South Carolina should declare her own separate independence. Upon this subject, gentlemen, I have modestly made my suggestions to some gentlemen of the Convention. At one time I thought it might be politic and proper that the States should all act together, but since my arrival I doubt whether the postponement of the question would not have a tendency to throw a damper upon the South and the Southwest. [Applause.]

I believe that the people of South Carolina will snatch her star from the galaxy in which it has hitherto mingled and plant her flag earliest in the breach of the battle, sustaining revolution by the bold hearts and willing arms of her people. Should the government forget its origin, forget that it is based upon the consent of the sovereign States, and appeal to force, the first federal gun fired at the bosom of the mother will boom across the continent and bring back to her defence the willing hearts and ready arms of a thousand true sons, (applause), and side by side along with them will come hundreds whose footsteps never pressed your soil, but whose hearts are deeply imbued with the great living principles of government which owes its origin to the soil of South Carolina. [Loud applause.]
Does anyone know to what the phrase "financial embarrassments" refers in the speech of this Mississippian?

"We stand here to-day on the face of the earth, with all the financial embarrassments which surround us, the sole and single people who have, by their social system, explained the relation between capital and labor. Why at the North and in England there is a constant warfare."
 

James Lutzweiler

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Day two is much shorter than day one, in part because they didn't get started until 4:00 in the afternoon. I'm sure the morning was spent getting everyone from Columbia to Charleston. The proceedings open with a prayer by Reverend J. C. Furman of Greenville, which makes me want to go see if he's connected to Furman University. I'll bet that's the case.

View attachment 226162
J. C. furman was almost certainly James Clement Furman, a son of the one-timeCharleston pastor, Richard Furman, after whom Furman University is named.
 

Andersonh1

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Day 4 opens, and this is the big day, where secession will be officially declared. The convention opens with a prayer, and then with an argument over the title that should be used to refer to anyone at the convention. Resolutions are offered to invite the Mayor of Charleston, the Governor of South Carolina, and other officials to observe the evening proceedings. The delegates are very particular about the language that should be used here.

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Andersonh1

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Next followed a list of committees and who was on them:
- A Committee to d..... the summary of the causes which justify the secession of South Carolina
- A Committee to consider so much of the Message of the President of the United States as relates to claiming the property of the United States within the limits of South Carolina
- Committee on our Relations with other Slaveholding States
- Committee on our Foreign Relations
- Committee on Commercial and Postal Arrangements
- Committee on the Constitution of the State
- Cashier
- Deputy Cashier

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Andersonh1

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The next bit of business is the big one: the presentation of the Ordinance of Secession. It's a long discussion that does not lend itself well to breaking down into smaller sections, but I'm going to attempt it anyway.
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Mr. INGLIS. I ask leave to offer the following report:

The Committee appointed to prepare a draft of an Ordinance proper to be adopted by the Convention, in order to effect the secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union, respectfully report that they have had the matter referred to under consideration, and believing that they will best meet the exigencies of the great occasion and the just expectations of the Convention be expressed in the fewest and simplest words possible, consistent with perspicuity, is all that is necessary to effect and no more. So, excluding everything, however proper in itself or fitting to the occasion, but which may be effected by distinct ordinance or resolution, we submit for consideration the following Ordinance:

AN ORDINANCE TO DISSOLVE THE UNION BETWEEN THE STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA AND OTHER STATES UNITED WITH HER UNDER THE COMPACT ENTITLED "THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA."

We, the People of the State of South Carolina, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained,

That the Ordinance adopted by us in Convention, on the twenty-third day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and also, all Acts and parts of Acts of the General Assembly of this State, ratifying amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, and that the union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of "The United States of America," is hereby dissolved.

Mr. REED. Mr. President, I move that the formal ratification of that ordinance take place this afternoon, at seven o'clock p.m., in Institute Hall.

Mr. MILES. Mr. President, I would move as an amendment that the ordinance be at once put upon its passage - (That's it. Yes let's have the vote now) - and then after we have passed it, we can proceed to ratify it in a formal manner.

Mr. T. R. ENGLISH. I would state that by direction of the committee, I had the ordinance placed last night in the hands of the printers for the purpose of having a sufficient number printed for the use of the members of the Convention. They are now in possession of the Clerk.

A DELEGATE. I move, sir, that the vote on the passage of the Ordinance be taken by ayes and noes.

Mr. WITHERS. Mr. President, if the terms of this Ordinance, when it has been read and investigated, be satisfactory to each and every member of this body, then there is no occasion for any amendment to it. [That's so.] Then, sir, as a member of this body, I beg to submit that the ayes and noes be taken without one word of debate. [Voices "good" and applause]

A DELEGATE. Mr. President, I move, sir, if it be in order now, that immediately on action being taken on the Ordinance, that the Convention take a recess. [Oh, no!]

ANOTHER DELEGATE. Let us dispose of the Ordinance first, and not indicate the course of things by any other motion than that now before the Convention.

The PRESIDENT. The question is on the passage of the Ordinance. Is the Convention ready for the question?

Mr. WARDLAW. Mr. President, I move that this Ordinance be printed and made the special order for tomorrow at one o'clock. I think we are acting with very indecent haste. We are not a set of boys who feel it necessary to rush at once into action without even any formal deliberation. For myself, I am as willing to vote upon this measure as any member upon this floor. I am ready to vote upon it to-day: but let us, at least, show that we are men, and act in accordance with the forms usually observed in all deliberative bodies.

Mr. PARKER. Mr. President, it appears to me, sir, with great deference to the opinions that have been expressed, that the public mind is fully made up to the great occasion that now awaits us. It is not spasmodic effort that has come suddenly upon us; but it has been gradually culminating for a long series of years, until at last it has come to that point when we may say the matter is entirely up. I hope, therefore, that the Ordinance which has just been read to the Convention will be considered, as has been suggested, without delay, and without unnecessary loss of time.

Mr. INGLIS. Mr. President, if there is any gentleman present who wishes to debate this matter, of course this body will hear him; but as to delay for the purpose of a discussion, I for one am opposed to it. As my friend (Mr. Parker) has said most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years, and I presume we have by this time arrived at a decision upon the subject. Of course such propositions are always open to debate; but for my own part I feel no disposition to deliberate any further. I am ready now to cast my vote in the affirmative.

Mr. SPAIN. Mr. President, I am as ready as any member to record my vote; but it has been suggested that perhaps it would be better to delay formal action for some fifteen minutes, in order that the Ordinance may be distributed and read by members, which might facilitate business. If, therefore, I am in order, I now move a suspension of the business proceedings of the Convention for fifteen minutes, for that purpose. I make the motion in justice to wiser heads than mine. [Cries of "Oh, no."]

The question being taken on the motion, it was disagreed to.
 

Andersonh1

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Mr. W F. DeSAUSSURE. Mr. President, we are now approaching the final act of this Ordinance of Secession, and I think it ought to be consummated before a most august assemblage, and with all possible solemnities. I concur with the honorable gentleman who spoke this morning, that we ought not to have the appearance of haste, but at the same time no one desires to delay the ratification longer than may be necessary to do it according to the true form and ceremony. I therefore move the adoption of the following resolutions:

Resolved, That a message be sent to his Excellency the Governor, and to both branches of the Legislature, inviting their attendance at the Institute Hall, at 12 o'clock, tomorrow, and that this Convention march in procession, tomorrow, to the Institute Hall, and then, at 12 o'clock, in the presence of the constituted authorities of the State, and of the people, ratify the Ordinance of Secession. ("That's it.")

Resolved, That the President of this Convention invite a member of the Reverend Clergy to attend at Institute Hall to-morrow, at 12 o'clock, and on the ratification of the Ordinance, to return thanks to Almighty God on behalf of the people of this State, and to invoke his blessing upon this, our proceeding.

Resolved, That the passage of the Ordinance be proclaimed by a salvo of artillery, and by the ringing of the bells of the city, and that the citizens be invited to an expression of their thankfulness and joy on the passage of this great act of deliverance and liberty, and such other demonstrations as to them may seem appropriate.

Mr. WITHERS. Now, Mr. President, I have no objection to accepting that. All I desire to submit to the Convention is that we ought not to hasten matters.

Mr. SIMONE. Mr. President, an Ordinance has been proposed by the Committee, and with all due deference to the gentleman from Richland, I must submit that we are not to know beforehand what the action of this body is to be. I regard it to be our first duty to pass the Ordinance of Secession and then the mere form of ratification can be observed afterwards. We cannot undertake to make any arrangements for the ratification of that which has not yet received the sanction of this body. I see no propriety in postponing action on the Ordinance. It is for that purpose that we appointed a Committee of able men, who have carefully considered the terms in which that Ordinance shall be framed, and in language not one word too much, or not one word too little. They have declared before us in this very act, and I am prepared now, with all the solemnity of so solemn an act, and with all the dignity which becomes so momentous an occasion, to cast my vote for the passage of the Ordinance.

Mr. DUNCAN. Mr. President, I concur in the sentiments of the gentleman who has just taken his seat, and I also concur in the resolutions offered by Mr. DeSaussure, but I conceive them to be now out of place. The vote should first be taken upon the passage of this Ordinance, and I move that this vote be taken by ayes and noes.

A MEMBER. MR. President, what is the motion before this body?

The PRESIDENT. The motion first to be considered is the one to immediately vote upon and adopt the Ordinance. The ayes and noes have been called for - do seven members rise?

A number of gentlemen rising, the President directed the Clerk to call the roll. The roll being called, the Ordinance was passed with not a dissenting voice; as follows:
 


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