Lee on the black man:
Q. General, you are very competent to judge of the capacity of black men for acquiring knowledge; I want your opinion on that capacity, as compared with the capacity of white men?
A. I do not know that I am particularly qualified to speak on that subject, as you seem to intimate; but I do not think that he is capable of acquiring knowledge as the white man is. There are some more apt than others. I have known some to acquire knowledge and skill in their trade or profession. I have had servants of my own who learned to read and write very well.
Q. Do they show a capacity to obtain knowledge of mathematics and the exact sciences?
A. I have no knowledge on that subject. I am merely acquainted with those who have learned the common rudiments of education.
Q. General, are you aware of the existence, among the blacks of Virginia, anywhere within the limits of the State, of combinations having in view the disturbance of the peace, or any improper or unlawful acts?
A. I am not. I have seen no evidence of it, and have heard of none. Wherever I have been they have been quiet and orderly, not disposed to work, or rather not disposed to any continuous engagement to work, but just very short jobs, to provide them with the immediate means of subsistence.
Q. Has the colored race generally as great a love of money and property as the white race possesses?
A. I do not think it has; the blacks with whom I am acquainted look more to the present time than to the future.
Q. Does that absence of a lust of money and property arise more from the nature of the negro than from his former servile condition?
A. Well, it may be in some measure attributable to his former condition. They are an amiable, social race. They like their ease and comfort, and, I think, look more to their present than to their future condition.
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(Congress was considering a Constitutional Amendment that would not count blacks for purposes of determining Congressional representation unless those black were allowed to vote.)
Q. Would [Virginia] consent, under any circumstances, to allow the black people to vote, even if she were to gain a large number of representatives in Congress?
A. That would depend upon her interest. If she had the right of determining that I do not see why she should object. If it were to her interest to admit these people to vote that might overrule any other objection that she might have to it.
Q. What, in your opinion, would be the practical result? Do you think that Virginia would consent to allow the negro to vote?
A. I think that, at present, she would accept smaller representation. I do not know what the future may develop. If it should be plain to her that these persons will vote properly and understandingly, she might admit them to vote.
Q. Do you not think it would turn a good deal in the cotton States upon the value of the labor of the black people — upon the amount which they produce?
A. In a good many States in the South, and in a good many counties in Virginia, if the black people now were allowed to vote, it would, I think, exclude proper representation——that is, proper, intelligent people would not be elected——and rather than suffer that injury they would not let them vote at all.
Q. Do you not think that the question as to whether any Southern State would allow the colored people the right of suffrage, in order to increase representation, would depend a good deal on the amount which the colored people might contribute to the wealth of the State, in order to secure two things——first, the larger representation, and, second, the influence derived from these persons voting?
A. I think they would determine the question more in reference to their opinion as to the manner in which those votes would be exercised, whether they consider those people qualified to vote. My own opinion is that at this time they cannot vote intelligently, and that giving them the right of suffrage would open the door to a great deal of demagoguism and lead to embarrassments in various ways. What the future may prove, how intelligent they may become, with what eyes they may look upon the interests of the State in which they may reside, I cannot say more than you can.
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Q. What is your opinion about its being an advantage to Virginia to keep them there at all? Do you not think that Virginia would be better off if the colored population were to go to Alabama, Louisiana, and the other Southern States?
A. I think it would be better for Virginia if she could get rid of them. That is no new opinion with me. I have always thought so, and have always been in favor of emancipation — gradual emancipation.
Q. As a question of labor alone, do you not think that the labor which would flow into Virginia, if the negroes left it for the cotton States, would be far more advantageous to the State and to its future prosperity?
A. I think it would be for the benefit of Virginia, and I be- lieve that everybody there would be willing to aid it.
Q. Do you not think that the State of Virginia is absolutely injured and its future impaired by the presence of the black population there?
A. I think it is.
Q. And do you not think it is peculiarly adapted to the quality of labor which would flow into it from its great natural resources in case it was made more attractive by the absence of the colored race?
A. I do.