Retrieved 23: Cotton and the Plantation Economy


(Membership has it privileges! To remove this ad: Register NOW!)

Norm53

Corporal
Joined
Feb 13, 2019
Messages
483
Location
Cape May, NJ
#62
Not sure why that would be true. The Knights of the Golden Circle was a private American political organization. It would of made perfect sense for the West European consumers of cotton to invest in Central American cotton fields to lessen their dependency on American cotton. Their investment would of certainly payed off in the Civil War.
Leftyhunter
In the previously cited sources, American cotton seed was distributed to farmers in Argentina and Brazil, so there was a definite interest in getting more SA American cotton planted.

Norm
 
Joined
May 27, 2011
Messages
16,639
Location
los angeles ca
#64
In the previously cited sources, American cotton seed was distributed to farmers in Argentina and Brazil, so there was a definite interest in getting more SA American cotton planted.

Norm
Yet apparently for some reason Argentinian and Brazilian farmer's could not produce cotton on a commercial scale to replace Southern cotton. Egyptian and farmers in British India could supplement cotton to Western Europe somewhat but not on the scale that antebellum Southern farmers did.
Leftyhunter
 

Norm53

Corporal
Joined
Feb 13, 2019
Messages
483
Location
Cape May, NJ
#65
Yet apparently for some reason Argentinian and Brazilian farmer's could not produce cotton on a commercial scale to replace Southern cotton. Egyptian and farmers in British India could supplement cotton to Western Europe somewhat but not on the scale that antebellum Southern farmers did.
Leftyhunter
Very true, and as I said, therefore British Mfgers. had no choice but to use Indian cotton because the quantities purchased were cheap in spite of the larger transport costs, and there was enough of it to keep the machines running and workers employed. From the import stats above, after an appreciable dip in 62 - 63, 64, and 65 imports climbed up, not quite to 61 level, but appreciably. After the war, American cotton again was #1 in export and remains so today. (Chinese cotton is larger in production, but most of it is used domestically.)
 

USS ALASKA

1st Lieutenant
Forum Host
Joined
Mar 16, 2016
Messages
4,055
#69
Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of the American Civil War
by SVEN BECKERT

HISTORIANS GENERALLY VIEW the U.S. Civil War as a crucial turning point in the history of the American nation. But it was more than this: the Civil War sparked the explosive transformation of the worldwide web of cotton production and, with it, of global capitalism. The cotton industry was among the world's largest industries at midcentury, drawing on the labor of perhaps 20 million workers. Prior to 1861, most of the world supply of raw cotton had been produced by slaves on plantations in the American South and was spun into thread and woven into cloth by textile workers in Lancashire. But in the decades following Appomattox, this world had given way to a global empire of cotton structured by multiple and powerful states and their colonies and worked by non-slave labor. Sharecroppers, tenant farmers, and peasants, often highly indebted to local merchants, produced most of the global cotton, a significant fraction of which was grown outside the American South, in such places as India, Egypt, West Africa, Turkmenistan, and Brazil.

The American Civil War was pivotal in these transformations. In its wake, nearly 4 million slaves gained their freedom in the nation that dominated world cotton production, leading to fears among merchants and manufacturers that the disruption of the "deep relationship between slavery and cotton production" might "destroy one of the essential conditions of the mass production" of cotton textiles.' By exploding global confidence in the structure of one of the world's most important industries, the war encouraged a new regime of bureaucrats and industrialists in cotton-consuming countries to secure supplies of the "white gold" not from slaves, but from sharecroppers, tenants, and peasants, decisively shifting the balance between free and coerced labor. And by removing several million bales of cotton from global markets between 1861 and 1865, the war forced manufacturers to find new sources for their crucial raw material, catapulting in the decades after Appomattox large areas of the world into the global economy. New forms of labor, the growing encasement of capital and capitalists within imperial nation states, and the rapid spatial expansion of capitalist social relations were the building blocks of a new political economy that dominated global affairs until the "Great War" half a century later. Indeed, the unimaginably long and destructive American struggle, the world's first "raw materials crisis," was midwife to the emergence of new global networks of labor, capital, and state power. The speed and flexibility with which merchants, manufacturers, and agricultural producers responded to the crisis revealed their adaptability and, not least, their capacity for marshaling new, indirect, but far-reaching forms of state power in place of direct ownership of human beings to secure plentiful labor. One of the most important chapters in the history of global capital and labor, in effect, was written on the battlefields of provincial America.

Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the ... - Harvard DASH
https://dash.harvard.edu/bitstream/handle/1/.../Beckert_EmancipationEmpire.pdf

70

Cheers,
USS ALASKA
 

Attachments

USS ALASKA

1st Lieutenant
Forum Host
Joined
Mar 16, 2016
Messages
4,055
#70
Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of the American Civil War
by SVEN BECKERT

HISTORIANS GENERALLY VIEW the U.S. Civil War as a crucial turning point in the history of the American nation. But it was more than this: the Civil War sparked the explosive transformation of the worldwide web of cotton production and, with it, of global capitalism. The cotton industry was among the world's largest industries at midcentury, drawing on the labor of perhaps 20 million workers. Prior to 1861, most of the world supply of raw cotton had been produced by slaves on plantations in the American South and was spun into thread and woven into cloth by textile workers in Lancashire. But in the decades following Appomattox, this world had given way to a global empire of cotton structured by multiple and powerful states and their colonies and worked by non-slave labor. Sharecroppers, tenant farmers, and peasants, often highly indebted to local merchants, produced most of the global cotton, a significant fraction of which was grown outside the American South, in such places as India, Egypt, West Africa, Turkmenistan, and Brazil.

The American Civil War was pivotal in these transformations. In its wake, nearly 4 million slaves gained their freedom in the nation that dominated world cotton production, leading to fears among merchants and manufacturers that the disruption of the "deep relationship between slavery and cotton production" might "destroy one of the essential conditions of the mass production" of cotton textiles.' By exploding global confidence in the structure of one of the world's most important industries, the war encouraged a new regime of bureaucrats and industrialists in cotton-consuming countries to secure supplies of the "white gold" not from slaves, but from sharecroppers, tenants, and peasants, decisively shifting the balance between free and coerced labor. And by removing several million bales of cotton from global markets between 1861 and 1865, the war forced manufacturers to find new sources for their crucial raw material, catapulting in the decades after Appomattox large areas of the world into the global economy. New forms of labor, the growing encasement of capital and capitalists within imperial nation states, and the rapid spatial expansion of capitalist social relations were the building blocks of a new political economy that dominated global affairs until the "Great War" half a century later. Indeed, the unimaginably long and destructive American struggle, the world's first "raw materials crisis," was midwife to the emergence of new global networks of labor, capital, and state power. The speed and flexibility with which merchants, manufacturers, and agricultural producers responded to the crisis revealed their adaptability and, not least, their capacity for marshaling new, indirect, but far-reaching forms of state power in place of direct ownership of human beings to secure plentiful labor. One of the most important chapters in the history of global capital and labor, in effect, was written on the battlefields of provincial America.

Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the ... - Harvard DASH
https://dash.harvard.edu/bitstream/handle/1/.../Beckert_EmancipationEmpire.pdf

70

Cheers,
USS ALASKA
 

Attachments

Yankeedave

1st Lieutenant
Joined
Dec 3, 2012
Messages
4,758
Location
Colorado
#71
British manufacturers buying cheap cotton from British ruled India. As opposed to southern rule ambiguous at the moment? Any way, Brits buying cheap from Brits.
The conspiritorial KGC needs to kinda stop. It gets in the way of the reality of the they were trying to and would have done if the south gained independence: Creat a prosperity sphere of the Gulf of Mexico.
 

USS ALASKA

1st Lieutenant
Forum Host
Joined
Mar 16, 2016
Messages
4,055
#76
Cotton Boom, De‐industrialisation and re-industrialisation in the Middle East
Contrasting Experience in Egypt and western Anatolia 1850-1914

Dr. Laura Panza
La Trobe University

Abstract
This paper undertakes an investigation of the process of decline and rebirth of textile manufacturing in two Middle Eastern regions, Egypt and western Anatolia during the first wave of globalisation (1850-1914). Through the application of the “Dutch Disease” model we explore the linkages between terms of trade and industrialisation. These are further related to the evolution of price transmission between domestic and global raw cotton markets. We find that different levels of market integration have contributed to diverging trajectories in industrial development in the two regions: while in Egypt the process of de-industrialisation was not reversed, in western Anatolia weaker international price transmission and domestic policy interventions facilitated the creation of a nascent domestic textile industry.

https://cama.crawford.anu.edu.au/pdf/events/2012/conference/laura-panza-paper.pdf
112

'...to sleep, perchance to dream...'
USS ALASKA
 

Attachments

USS ALASKA

1st Lieutenant
Forum Host
Joined
Mar 16, 2016
Messages
4,055
#77
Cotton Boom, De‐industrialisation and re-industrialisation in the Middle East
Contrasting Experience in Egypt and western Anatolia 1850-1914

Dr. Laura Panza
La Trobe University

Abstract
This paper undertakes an investigation of the process of decline and rebirth of textile manufacturing in two Middle Eastern regions, Egypt and western Anatolia during the first wave of globalisation (1850-1914). Through the application of the “Dutch Disease” model we explore the linkages between terms of trade and industrialisation. These are further related to the evolution of price transmission between domestic and global raw cotton markets. We find that different levels of market integration have contributed to diverging trajectories in industrial development in the two regions: while in Egypt the process of de-industrialisation was not reversed, in western Anatolia weaker international price transmission and domestic policy interventions facilitated the creation of a nascent domestic textile industry.

https://cama.crawford.anu.edu.au/pdf/events/2012/conference/laura-panza-paper.pdf
112

'...to sleep, perchance to dream...'
USS ALASKA
 

Attachments

USS ALASKA

1st Lieutenant
Forum Host
Joined
Mar 16, 2016
Messages
4,055
#78
University of New Orleans
ScholarWorks@UNO
University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations Dissertations and Theses
Spring 5-13-2016

“The Grand Old Man of Cotton”: Colonel Henry G. Hester, Economic Innovation, and the New Orleans Cotton Exchange, 1871-1932
by Joshua E. Lincecum

This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at ScholarWorks@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UNO. The author is solely responsible for ensuring compliance with copyright. For more information, please contact scholarworks@uno.edu.

Abstract
After the American Civil War, and the collapse of the market in slave-produced cotton in the South, cotton merchants in New Orleans faced challenges in reestablishing the city as a central port for Southern cotton. As commodities exchanges emerged as centralized spaces for business in the 1870s, a new class of experts emerged, upon whose reports traders bought and sold newly developed securities derivatives. Henry G. Hester (1846- 1934), Secretary of the New Orleans Cotton Exchange, was an integral player in the development of the methods that governed sophisticated commodities trading around the world. His career at the New Orleans Cotton Exchange tells the story of the arrival of these methods and subsequent downfall of Euro-American centrality in the global cotton empire and contradicts previous histories that deemphasize Southern businesspersons’ contributions to modernization.

https://scholarworks.uno.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3278&context=td
148

Cheers,
USS ALASKA
 

Attachments

USS ALASKA

1st Lieutenant
Forum Host
Joined
Mar 16, 2016
Messages
4,055
#79
North Alabama Historical Review
Volume 4 North Alabama Historical Review, Volume
4, 2014 Article 8
2014

To Make War on Cotton: The Opportunities of Imperial Geography and the British Textile Industry
by Clint Alley

University of North Alabama
This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UNA Scholarly Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in North Alabama Historical Review by an authorized editor of UNA Scholarly Repository. For more information, please contact jpate1@una.edu.

The American Civil War was a conflict unlike any the United States has ever known. When the smoke cleared in 1865, a new nation emerged from the ashes of the old, and a generation of Southern men had all but vanished from the earth. In addition to the psychological trauma and practical concerns raised by this loss of manpower, the transatlantic cotton trade between the American South and Great Britain was mangled almost beyond recognition. Due in part to the loss of men, in part to the dissolution of the institution of slavery, and in part to the physical damage done to the earth by four years of constant combat and overgrown fields, it would be many years before the South could match the success of its antebellum cotton exports. But when the Southern cotton economy finally did recover, it found itself contending with several new players, players which had come to economic maturity by taking advantage of the expansive geography and economic needs of an empire.

https://ir.una.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1066&context=nahr
1473

Cheers,
USS ALASKA
 

Attachments

USS ALASKA

1st Lieutenant
Forum Host
Joined
Mar 16, 2016
Messages
4,055
#80
University of Nebraska - Lincoln
DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln
Textile Society of America Symposium Proceedings Textile Society of America
2006

Cotton to Cloth: An Indian Epic
Uzramma

uzramma@gmail.com
This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Textile Society of America at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Textile Society of America Symposium Proceedings by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln.

Britain saw India as a supplier of raw materials and a market for its manufactures. Machine woven cotton fabrics were brought into the country, while cotton was shipped out to supply its own industry. But there was a problem: Though Indian cotton, Gossypium arboreum, had produced the finest fabrics the world has yet seen, the famous Dhaka muslins, it was unsuited to the newly invented textile machinery, which was designed for the cotton of America. ‘I have no doubt that the fine cotton produced near Dacca is one cause of the superiority of the manufacture’, writes Dr.Hamilton in 1828, ‘nor do I think that any American cotton is so fine, but then there can be no doubt that the American kinds have a longer filament and on that account are more fitted for European machinery. That is to say, American cotton varieties, Gossypium hirsutum, produced a longer, stronger staple, more fitted to the rigours of machine
processing. Since America had declared itself independent it could no longer be relied on as a supplier of cotton, and so the East India Company set about ‘improving’ Indian cotton, which meant making it more suited to the machine. ‘The American plant grown in India produce a staple longer, and therefore better calculated for the European manufacturer.


https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1329&context=tsaconf
1671

Cheers,
USS ALASKA
 

Attachments




(Membership has it privileges! To remove this ad: Register NOW!)
Top