For UnionBlue

Hanny

Banned
Joined
Jul 20, 2006
UnionBlue
Union Blue said:
In reference to your post #1, what plan had Ft. Sumter in which it was to be used to stop and detain all ships and collect the USA Revenue? Please indicate a varifiable source for this. As far as I can tell, NO effort was made to collect tariffs by Lincoln until this crisis was resolved.
Its in all the good acounts of the period, "Lincoln and the first shot" R Current, Adams " When in the Course of Human Events" MCpherson BCF page 263 refers to it, as do diarys of the key men in cabinett refer to the specifics of the paln, Welles, Blair etc. Firstly its what Lincoln promises to do in the inugrial, collect the taxes, ( 2 March 1861. Under this tariff, duties began at an average of 37%, compared to 10% in the CSA) to do this is deciced on the specifics in the cabinet meetings, and then it went to the AG who advised it was lawfull to collect the tariff on ships off shore, and then lincoln gave the order to do so to the navy.
I dont know what you have on your bookshelf, but anything that dealls in detail with Sumpter ought to contain refernces to the severall meetings in Cabinett, and the last one of these is where the of shore tarrif colection is discussed and adopted, BCF page 272 list further books that conatin these, although they are looking at motives and purposes of the supply to sumpter plans.

Union Blue said:
And frankly, I simply find no evidence, historical or otherwise, that it had a thing to do with the tariff. That 'dog don't hunt', it doesn't even wake up to leave the dog house. The only "It's about the economy, stupid" argument I can detect, is the economy of slavery.
Then your not familiar with Calhoun who saw that not enough states would secceded over the Triff question, and spent the rest of his life finding out what they would do over, and uniting enough on it, the answer was threats to slavery which would unite enough behind SC to make secesion viable, but the motive is a different tariff policy.
Then your unaware of content of the conventions on secesion, the tarif was certainly a strong motivation for secesion at them, tarif is mentioned in the causes of secesion docccuments and the reason for calling the secesion ordinaces in the first place, and was in some regions of states, the only motive for secesion, SC seceded over slavery, so it could adopt a Tariff more in keeping with its socio economic condition.
The wonder is not if you will have secesion, but which states will ally against others and over what, and when.
Union Blue said:
As for your view that Lincoln didn't follow the chain of command, perhaps the idea that there were still many in that chain willing to sell out their C-in-C to warn the South might have had a little to do with that. Maybe between the resignations and back door manuvers of Seward, Lincoln felt he had to take charge to make things happen. After all, if the President reaches past certain parts of the chain of command, he has that right. Look at FDR when he pick Ike to head up OverLord and the invasion of Europe. Harry Truman did not have that plaque 'The Buck Stops Here' for no reason.
Not applicable in the case at hand, the orders were not legal and not followed, because the chain of command was not lawfull. Your appying a good argument to an example that does not warrant that expalantion. See BCF page 268 for this specific instance.
Union Blue said:
No, I think there is a lot of historical 'smoke' in your post, which tends to obscure the real factual fire. The fort had to be fired on by Davis, no matter if any or no action happened in the fort. He could not appear weak and he could not afford to wait as many were having second thoughts about secession and the fire they had jumped into. Talk about your pressure to 'do something' Davis had to do something to induce the border states to jump off the fence and keep his own deep south in line. So he ordered the fort fired on. And the rest is left up to debate boards like this one.
Odd how your post is fact free while noticing my facts are smoke instead. We can do better than that surely?.
Union Blue said:
And I have a few quotes of my own.
Lets see what they say, so private letters late in life, nothing from the Elliots where he expalins the right of secesion then, or even from the VA ratification and expalining the right to secceded during that as well.
Union Blue said:
It is remarkable how closely the nullifiers who make the name of Mr Jefferson the pedestal for their colossal heresy, shut their eyes and lips, whenever his authority is ever so clearly and emphatically against them. You have noticed what he says in his letters to Monroe & Carrington Pages 43 & 203, vol 2, with respect to the powers of the old Congress to coerce delinquent States, and his reasons for preferring for the purpose a naval to a military force, and moreover that it was not necessary to find a right to coerce in the Federal Articles, that being inherent in the nature of a compact. It is high time that the claim to secede at will should be put down by the public opinion, and I shall be glad to see the task commenced by one who understands the subject.
He starts with a reffernce to the Old Congress ie the AOC, in that compact the use of force as a right is an implied right by compact, which it was, but not so under the Constition.
Secesion at will is in the public mind because Madison and Jeerson put it there in the first place.(It appears, on one hand, that the Constitution is to be founded on the assent and ratification of the people of America, given by deputies elected for the special purpose; but . . . that this assent and ratification is to be given by the people, not as individuals composing one entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent States to which they respectively belong. It is to be the assent and ratification of the several States, derived from the supreme
authority in each State -- the authority of the people themselves. The act, therefore, establishing the Constitution will not be a national but a federal act . . . Each State, in ratifying the Constitution, is considered as a sovereign body independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act. Madison)
The authority to grant Congress the constitional right to coerce compliance on any member of the state had been twice defeated in the PA debate, Madison voted to deny this right btw.
Secesion at will is Madisons biggest problem, after describbing that secesion is a atribute of being Sov it follows that it can be used at will by the Sov, Madison had spent 30 odd years expalining that to the public, but by 1836 had come to a different understanding, in his last work he adopts a different posistion, that nullification and secesion are not answers to the question.
Madison did not accept that nullifiocation over taxes was constitional, because every society requires taxes to function, the remedy was an easment of the effect of the tariffs, because while the tariff was uniform its effect was not and this had created the problem and required an easment, no one has the right to nullification over taxes, no one likes taxes but society cannot function without them is wher Madison is comming from, madison is not explaing no right of secesion or nullification only that a high tax is not suffiecent cause to excercise the right of secesion.
Another argument is to be found here, 1830, Senator Robert Y. Hayne, Carolina's champion in the famous Webster-Hayne Debate, sent Madison a copy of his speeches. Hayne obviously expected the author of the Virginia
Resolutions to endorse the doctrine of nullification. In response, Madison adopted totally different ground. He disapproved of the notion that a single state could nullify any statute which was not so oppressive as to absolve that state of all responsibility to the union. He added, "[T]he Constitution of the U.S. . . . must be its own interpreter according to its text and the facts of the case. The charter was that of one people and could not be negated but by the whole people."
He next stated that the supremacy clause governed the question; if that failed, impeachment might be tried, then amendment. Madison closed with the incongruous statement that the failure of all these remedies would entitle a state to resort to the law of self-preservation, but that that was a right the government need not respect.
 

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