Soldier's Stories

[Johnny Rube]

Considering the danger, death, pain and confusion that the men endured on the battlefields, it's amazing to realize that many of them retained a sense of humor. Charles Davis of the 13th Massachusetts was just such a soldier. He wrote some of the most interesting and amusing diary entries to come out of the war. I've taken just parts of them to perhaps provide a little chuckle.

"1861. Thursday, Aug. 1, Hagerstown: After tents were pitched some of the men turned in and went to sleep, though the novelty of the thing was too great for most of us, who straggled back into town. During the day one of the boys brought in a Virginia paper in which it was stated tht one "Southerner could lick five Northern mudsills." It was not so very comforting to feel that we were to be killed off in blocks of five. Nothing was said to us on the 16th of July, the date of our muster-in, about this wholesale slaughter. There was a kind of airy confidence as well as contemptuousness about the statement that made our enlistment look a little less like a picnic than when we marched down Broadway. It was hard to realize that we had come so far from home merely to solve a problem in mathematics, yet so it seemed to the writer of that phillipic."

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"Saturday, Aug. 3: Among the articles provided us by the State were "havelocks," commonly used in hot countries by the English army. The havelock was named after Sir Henry Havelock, a distinguished English general. It is made of white linen, so to be worn on the head as a protection from the rays of the sun. As it was made sufficiently large to cover the neck and shoulders, the effect, when properly adjusted, was to deprive the wearer of any air he might otherwise enjoy. An Englishman would melt in his boots before he would give up a custom enjoyed by his grandfather. Not so a Yankee. The motive which prompted the State to supply them was a good one, as was also the suggestion that prompted the immediate transfer to the plebian uses of a dishcloth or a coffee strainer, which suggestion was universally adopted, --- a dishcloth or coffee strainer being the only things in the world, apparently, we were unprovided with."

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"Friday, Aug. 23: (Referring to soldier's uniforms) The hats were neither useful nor ornamental. They were made of black felt, high-crowned, with a wide rim turned up on one side, and fastened to the crown by a brass shield representing an eagle with extended wings, apparently screaming with holy horror at so base an employment. On the front of the crown was a brass bugle containing the figure 13. Now it so happened that the person who selected the sizes was under the impression that every man from Massachusetts had a head like Daniel Webster -- a mistake that caused most of us much trouble, inasmuch as newspapers were in great demand to lessen the diameter of the crown. Those of us who failed to procure newspapers made use of our ears to prevent its falling on our shoulders....."

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(Referring to the eternal good nature of some of the troops, not always fully appreciated after a long, exhausting march) "It would often occur, when we were tired and dusty from a long day's march, "Old Festive" would ride by, when suddenly you would hear sung:

Saw my leg off,
Saw my leg off,
Saw my leg off
---SHORT!!!---

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Saturday, Aug. 9: The last place to look for a stock company would be among a regiment of soldiers. After being deprived of camp kettles, mess pans, etc., each man was obliged to do his own cooking, as already stated, in his tin dipper, which held about a pint. Whether it was coffee, beans, pork, or anything depending on the services of a fire to make it palatable, it was accomplished by the aid of the dipper only. Therefore any utensil like a frying pan was of incalculable service in preparing a meal. There were so few of these in the regiment, that only men of large means, men who could raise a dollar thirty days after a paymaster visit, could afford such a luxury.

In one instance the difficulty was overcome by the formation of a joint-stock company, composed of five stockholders, each paying the sum of twenty cents toward the purchase of a frying-pan, which cost the sum of one dollar. The par value of each share was therefore twenty cents. It was understood that each stockholder should take his turn at carrying the frying-pan when on a march, which responsibility entitled him to its first use in halting for the night. While in camp, it passed from one to the other each day in order of turn. It was frequently loaned for consideration, thereby affording means for an occasional dividend among the stockholders. The stock advanced in value until it reached as high as forty cents per share, so that a stockholder in the Joint Stock Frying Pan Company was looked upon as a man of consequence. Being treated with kindness and civility by his comrades, life assumed a roseate hue to the shareholders in this great company, in spite of their deprivations."

[ole]

Excellent post, Johnny. Kind of takes one down to the basics of soldiering -- feeding yourself in spite of everything. I'll bet that frying pan say many a commandeered chicken.

[thea_447]

Concerning the food supply at Fort Sumter:

John T. Morse, in his Abraham Lincoln, refers to the Anderson letter, saying that it disclosed the food supply at Fort Sumter as being "a certain quantity of biscuit and pork", probably enough to sustain the garrison for about four weeks.

Lincoln's own secretary of the Navy, also mentions in his Diary the Anderson letter, stating that from it Lincoln learned that the Sumter food stores were critically low, and that Anderson could get no provisions in Charleston.

The Official Record tells us that, beginning Jan. 20, 1861, the Governor of South Carolina arranged to supply Sumter with fresh meat, vegetables and groceries.

The Office Record further shows that, in a report dated March 20th, Anderson stated that he had written Gov. Pickens on March 13th of his "failure to receive boxes of solidified milk" which had reached Charleston. The Governor promised further investigation.

March 17th, Anderson wrote the Governor's representative: "I hasten to ask you to refer to my letter to his Excellency, and you will see that I did not solicit any modification of his original permission about receiving supplies of fresh meat and vegetables. I am satisfied with the existing arrangement and only called attention to a reported interference of it."

[unionblue]

From the book, The Beginning And The End, The Civil War Story of Federal Surrenders Before Fort Sumter And Confederate Surrenders After Appomattox, by Dayton Pryor:

"On January 19, (1861), Col. Anderson received a note from David F. Jamison, the Palmetto Republic secretary of war, which said that "an officer of the State [will] procure and carry over with your mails each day to Fort Sumter such supplies of fresh meat and vegetables as you may indicate." Anderson replied stiffly that he had "not represented in any quarter that we were in need of such supplies." Moreover, he expressed concern about the important distinction between the governor doing this "based upon a right" rather than as a "courtesy and civility." If as a right, he said,

"Than I must procure the meat as we have been in the habit of doing for years under an unexpired contract with Mr. McSweeney, a Charleston butcher, who would, I presume, if permitted, deliver he meat, &., at this fort or at Fort Johnson, at the usual periods for such delivery, four times in ten days."

On April 7, 1861, Gen Beauregard notified Col. Anderson that:

"In compliance with orders from the Confederate Government at Montgomery, I have the honor to inform you that, in consequence of delays and apparent vacillations of the United States Government at Washington relative to the evacuation of Fort Sumter, no further communications for the purposes of supply with this city form the fort and with the fort from this city will be permitted...The mails, however, will continue to be transmitted..."

The next day Beauregard changed that when he notified Anderson "that from and after this day no mails will be allowed to go to or come from Fort Sumter."

From the book, Allegiance, Fort Sumter, Charleston, And The Beginning Of The Civil War, by David Detzer:

"On March 21, 1861, they had six barrels of flour, but a week later they had only one. They still had some moldy hardtack, pork, and rice, but little else, a few carrots and some cabbage. Foster's supplies for his workmen had been reduced to cornmeal and grits, plus a few codfish, and the garrison had been turning over part of its own subsistence to the laborers. Anderson decided it was time to send away the last of the workmen, except for half a dozen or so who could be used to row a boat... Foster paid the laborers off on March 31, 1861; they awaited formal agreement from Charleston. There was no reply.

On April 1, 1861, Anderson wrote Washington about the parlous state of their provisions. He said he had not previously said much about their food since the army had been "fully informed from time to time." He had told Fox, he said, that the garrison could have held out till sometimes after April 10, if he had put them all on reduced rations, but since he had heard nothing he had not done so. As it was now, they could hold out "about one week longer," and this was only if Governor Pickens permitted the workmen to leave. Otherwise, obviously, they might be eating their last food by about April 5. Two days later, having still heard nothing from Washington, Anderson wrote again, this time a bit more frantically. They were almost out of food, and it now appeared as if Pickens was about to prevent them from purchasing any more even meager amounts from the city. "I must, therefore, most respectfully and urgently, ask for instructions what I am to do as soon as my provisions are exhausted. Our bread will last four or five days."

Unionblue

[unionblue]

From the book, The Beginning And The End, by Dayton Pryor:

"Late on the night of the December 26, 1860, from Fort Sumter Anderson wrote to Colonel Samuel Cooper, Adjutant-general of the US Army, that "I have just completed, by the blessing of God, the removal to this fort of all my garrison, except the surgeon and [eleven] men...I left orders to have all the guns at Fort Moultrie spiked, and the carriage of the 32-pounders destroyed...The step which I have taken was, in my opinion, necessary to prevent the effusion of blood."

In a more detailed letter to Cooper, Anderson explained, "many things convinced me that the authorities of the State designed to proceed to a hostile act."

Unionblue

[cedarstripper]

From the oldest brother of my GGGrandfather in the last of a series of letters sent home:

Getysburg, Pa July 2, 1863

Dear Father and Mother

I am thankful that I am still alive and well. But I am sorry to inform you that I am a prisoner of war. We were captured yesterday at this place. The whole regiment are killed or taken prisoner. Lieu Weed and Lamson are with us and are well. Orderly Curtis and William Davis are killed and William Woodruff cannot live if he is alive now. There are now ten that we do not know anything about and six wounded but they are prisoners. Colonel Prey and Colonel Tuthill are wounded but they say that Col Tuthill cannot live. General Paul our brigadier was killed. General Robinson was drunk. Liquor is the curse of our officers. I do not know what they are going to do with us or where they are going to take us. There is twelve of our Co. Tell Erna Davis that William died praying for Jesus to take him. They are still fighting. I sent a letter yesterday morning but I did expect then to be a prisoner now. We are treated with respect but have not got anything to eat yet. There will not be any more use to write to me until you hear from me again. I will write the first time that I can.

Your son, James L. Thompson

PS Than Gearheart had both his legs broken that is what the boys tell me but he is certainly badly wounded.

(letter continued two days later)

July 8, 1863

We are still in the rear of the rebel army. We have determined to go to Richmond rather than to take the parole that they offer us for it is against the order of our secretary of war to accept a parole on the field of battle and these that violate it are to be areasted for deserters and punished accordingly. Lieutenant Weed is sick and he will accept their parole.

Your son, Jas L. Thompson

(James died of starvation in Belle Isle prison, in Richmond, Virginia on February 16, 1864)

[unionblue]

From the book, The Photographic History of the War; Volume 5, The Armies and Leaders Poetry and Eloquence, a story.

"The first step toward reunion was being taken when picket shooting was stopped; and the armies of Northern Virginia and of the Potomac went far beyond that, when encamped on opposite banks of the Rappahannock, near Fredericksburg, during the winter and spring of 1862-63. They chatted, traded tobacco for sugar and coffee, and frequently visited each other across the narrow stream. A Confederate officer riding along the bank visiting his outposts was often saluted by a picket across the river, within easy gunshot. Similar compliments passed between pickets in gray and officers in blue. These soldiers were testifying, their respect for each other, with little idea, on the part of the Confederates, that they would ever again be fellow countrymen.

Eventually both generals, Hooker and Lee, issued orders strictly forbidding all intercommunication. Just after these orders, an incident occurred which the writer long ago gave to the newspapers in the hope, which proved in vain, that he might hear from the Union soldier. A Confederate officer rode suddenly out of the woods on his picket-post at Scott's dam, just above Bank's Ford. A Federal soldier was nearing the south bank of the river, newspaper in hand. The soldier reluctantly came ashore, insisting that he should be allowed to return; the Confederate pickets had promised it. "Yes," was the reply, "but they violated orders, and you violated orders on your side when you came over, and I happen to know it. Orders must be obeyed. You are my prisoner." The soldier, who was a big, manly fellow, stood straight as an arrow, looked the officer in the face, and with tears in his eyes, said: "Colonel, shoot me, if you want to, but for God's sake don't take me prisoner. I have been in the army only six weeks. I have never been in battle, and if I am taken prisoner under these circumstances, I will never get over it--it will always be believed that I deserted."

The officer hesitated for a moment, and then said, "Give me that paper and go, and tell your people you are the last man that will ever come over here and get back." Such an incident at the outset of the war would have been inconceivable.

It was in this spirit of kindly regard for each other that the war between the two armies went on, from Fredericksburg to Appomattox. It manifested itself with increasing tenderness after every bloody battle. It inspired Grant when he said to Lee, "Your men will need their horses to make a crop." It animated Grant's soldiers when they gave no cheer at the surrender, and when they divided their rations with the men who, in tears, laid down their arms. It did not die when the Confederates accepted the results of the war.

Time has only hallowed the memory of the glorious manhood displayed in those days by the men of both armies. The soldiers, had their sentiments prevailed, would soon have bound up the wounds of war, as they did those received in battle.

But politicians, for a time, interfered."

Major G. W. Redway, referring to the volunteers of the Army of the Potomac, 1864.

Unionblue

[thea_447]

DeWitt Clinton Gallaher and William B. Gallaher were brothers who both served in the Confederate army. DeWitt Clinton Gallaher's wartime diary (1864-1865) describes his service in the 1st Virginia Cavalry, including details about his work as a provost guard and comments on his relationship with fellow officers and soldiers. The collection of twelve wartime letters (1861, 1865) of William B. Gallaher mostly describe camp life, encounters with the enemy, and war casualties.





William B. Gallaher to H. S. Gallaher, July 22, 1861

William B. Gallaher tallies the numbers of deaths, casualties, and prisoners from a "Large Battle." He describes the dead bodies on the field as well as the "Dragoon Saddle" he took from a fallen Yankee horse.



Manassa Junction

July 22nd, 1861

Dear Father,


We had a Large Battle here yesterday, about 40 miles from here. It lasted near 11 hours. Our loss is estimated at 5000 killed & wounded. We had some taken prisoners. The enemy loss is put at 18,000. I don't know how true these estimates are. We have taken at least 600 prisoners & 36 pieces of artillery, (among which are a great [illeg.]) Cannon & 1 Dahlgreen Gun.

I was out on the Battle Field with Gen's Beauregard & Johnson. The cannon balls and shell fell very close to me, but through Providence I was not hurt. Gen B had his horse killed under him. Gen. Jackson's Brigade suffered very much. Two of the West Augusta Guard were killed and Wm Barkins of the Augusta Rifles was killed. Both companies had a few wounded. Ed Waddell, Chas [unclear: Averall] & Esten Richardson were not injured and neither was Andrew Brooks or [illeg.] Massie.

After the battle I rode over the field. I never saw such a horrible sight in my life. The ground was covered with dead Yankees and we had a great many killed and wounded. They are hauling their wounded by carloads to Culpeper Court House up the road, some to Charlottesville.

The enemy had the advantage both in numbers and position, having at least 60,000 & were posted on hills, while our force was not over from 30,000 to 35,000 & our men had to charge in some places up hill. Capt. Pendeton's Artillery done good work and did not lose a man. We killed all the horses at some of their Guns. I got a very good Dragoon Saddle off one of the horses. It is a little large for me, but perhaps I can trade with some one for a smaller one. I never heard such musketry in my life. They say Gen. Scott was on the field & that some of our men got his sword and epaulets with his name on them and I heard that we had taken Gen. Patterson prisoner, but I hear so many reports that I cannot place much reliance in what I do hear.

We are concentrating our forces at Bull's Run & there is some talk of advancing on Washington. We ran their forces for miles down towards Alexandria. Their troops fought well & they cut our men up with cannister & small shot.

I will write again soon if I am spared. Give my love to all.

Capt. Patrick's company was not here. I don't know where it is. We have at least 2,500 Cavalry. They made a charge yesterday and took a good many pieces cannon last night.


July 22nd, 1861

Dear Father,


We had a Large Battle here yesterday, about 40 miles from here. It lasted near 11 hours. Our loss is estimated at 5000 killed & wounded. We had some taken prisoners. The enemy loss is put at 18,000. I don't know how true these estimates are. We have taken at least 600 prisoners & 36 pieces of artillery, (among which are a great [illeg.]) Cannon & 1 Dahlgreen Gun.

I was out on the Battle Field with Gen's Beauregard & Johnson. The cannon balls and shell fell very close to me, but through Providence I was not hurt. Gen B had his horse killed under him. Gen. Jackson's Brigade suffered very much. Two of the West Augusta Guard were killed and Wm Barkins of the Augusta Rifles was killed. Both companies had a few wounded. Ed Waddell, Chas [unclear: Averall] & Esten Richardson were not injured and neither was Andrew Brooks or [illeg.] Massie.

After the battle I rode over the field. I never saw such a horrible sight in my life. The ground was covered with dead Yankees and we had a great many killed and wounded. They are hauling their wounded by carloads to Culpeper Court House up the road, some to Charlottesville.

The enemy had the advantage both in numbers and position, having at least 60,000 & were posted on hills, while our force was not over from 30,000 to 35,000 & our men had to charge in some places up hill. Capt. Pendeton's Artillery done good work and did not lose a man. We killed all the horses at some of their Guns. I got a very good Dragoon Saddle off one of the horses. It is a little large for me, but perhaps I can trade with some one for a smaller one. I never heard such musketry in my life. They say Gen. Scott was on the field & that some of our men got his sword and epaulets with his name on them and I heard that we had taken Gen. Patterson prisoner, but I hear so many reports that I cannot place much reliance in what I do hear.

We are concentrating our forces at Bull's Run & there is some talk of advancing on Washington. We ran their forces for miles down towards Alexandria. Their troops fought well & they cut our men up with cannister & small shot.

I will write again soon if I am spared. Give my love to all.

Capt. Patrick's company was not here. I don't know where it is. We have at least 2,500 Cavalry. They made a charge yesterday and took a good many pieces cannon last night.

I wrote to Ma for some provisions the day before yesterday. Direct your letters to me, of Gen. Johnson's Escort. If you should send me anything, I will be at the cars to get it.

I will write again soon if I am spared. Give my love to all.


I am looking for a box from [illeg.] today. Our fare is pretty hard here.

Write soon. Come down & see me if you have a chance. Tell Ma that my corduroy pants are in Winchester and that I will not have a chance of getting them soon that I know of.

Your son

W. B. Gallaher

[thea_447]

Sessoms, Preston Harrell



The son of Elizabeth Willoughby and John Sessoms, Preston Harrell Sessoms (b. 1843) of Bertie County, NC, entered the University in 1861 and became a member of the Philanthropic Society. From 1863 to 1865 served in the Sixty-Eighth North Carolina Regiment, attaining the rank of sergeant. In 1869 he married Annie Elizabeth Beasley. A teacher, farmer, and merchant, he received his BA degree in 1911 "as of 1865."

Letter from Preston H. Sessoms to Penelope E. White , August 28, 18621
Sessoms, Preston Harrell, b. 1843


Page 1
Chapel Hill N. Carolina.
August 28th 1862.
Sister Bett .

I have again reached this place in safety, and found all things as they were when I left last January, except there has been a great deal change among the College affairs. For such a place as this, which is called a university,—there had ought to be no less than three or four hundred students, but there are only fifty here now, a very small number. Very soon after I left last January nearly all the students left and went to war; some were called out by the draft some were taken by the Conscription law and some went voluntarily, So nearly all left; if there had not new students come this session, there would be hardly twenty students here now. I call it very dull and lonesome place; if it was not for one thing I would not stay here, There is but two or three boarding houses now, all have gone down, and board is very high, and but very little to eat, The college expenses are the same as the have always been. I have heard something about the second call for conscripts; if there does come another call, this college will certainly break, it will take all, sweep it clean. I have been here about three weeks, I started the day that I told you I should and came some fifty or sixty miles on the buggy before I took the cars. Brother John came no further than to the Rail Road with Page 2
me, then I took it by myself. But I had no trouble in coming. There is no pleasure in staying up here unless everything was more free, and cheaper, I would like it great deal better to stay at home, I suppose that the Yankees are thicker up there than when I was there. There is no chance of their getting up here, but they may cut off the rail road then I should be locked up in a place, hard to break out. If the Yankees were to cut me off up here, when I got ready to come home, I should surely come, Yankees or no Yankees, If there was no chance of getting round them, I would go through them, In three months this session will be to an end, on the fourth thursday of November. By that time I suppose the Yankees will have those counties down there fully in their possession, I dont think that any more conscripts will come from out of those counties which the yankees have so nearly got in their possession. I have written enough. Excuse me for stopping. I am well, and going on as well as the times will allow. Give my respects to Mr White and Henderson, Keep those three poulets of mine which I told you not to kill. Write me anytime when you have the chance, Believe me to be your brother
P. H. Sessoms.

Chapel Hill.
N. Carolina.

[thea_447]

Document Summary

London reports to his sister news of the family. He helped break up a camp of runaway negroes, and students who were avoiding military service were taken to Raleigh, NC, by conscription agents.
Letter from Henry A. London to Lilla London, February 16, 18641
London, Henry Armand, 1846-1918


Page 1
University of N C Feb 16th
1864
My Dear Lil

Although you have never answered the letter, which I wrote you nearly four months ago, yet I will write this, hoping it may be answered, as you will not be so busy as you were in So Carolina. I wrote to Pa last Saturday a week ago, which letter I hope he received, and will answer, in the course of time. I arrived here, without breaking down, though I expected to do so every moment, as the old buggy was very ricketty, but by driving slow we got along tolerably well, and I hope John [John Rutherford London] got back home without breaking down. I have been kept pretty busy since my arrival, "making up" the time I was absent, but I am through now, and breathe free. Tell Aunt Fannie I saw Lizzie on Sunday, and she said Page 2
her eyes were nearly well, and she was looking very well indeed. I Received the letter from Bro Willie [William Lord London], which Pa sent over to me, and am much obliged to him for sending it. I have not heard from Mary Cowan and the other girls, since I have been here, but suppose they are getting along finely, and like St Marys 2 as much as they expected, and by the way has anything ever been heard of the money Mary lost? We had quite an excitement here last week, and which we enjoyed very much, it was this: The Sheriff of the County summoned a "Posse" of about thirty of us to break up a camp of run away Negroes, which we most effectually did, capturing the camp with all its contents, taking 7 prisoners and wounding one, without a man of us scratched. We had an other one, but of a totally different character, namely the Page 3
carrying away to Raleigh of about half dozen Students who were eighteen. You know it is only the Juniors & Seniors who are exempt and so last Tuesday the Enrolling Officer took to the Conscript Camp the Sophs and Fresh who were liable to conscription, and who had been skulking here for sometime with the hope of being let alone till they were Juniors, when they would be exempted by the President [Jefferson Davis]. Tell Pa not to be afraid of their taking me, as Gov Swain says there is no danger of it, but I would not care much if they did, as I hate the idea of skulking, as it were, out of the army, when my Country needs my services so much, but yet when an exemption is proffered a man, he can scarcely be blamed for taking it. Ask Pa not to forget to send me the candles, I wrote him for, by the first opportunity. Tell Charlie I have been expecting a letter from him a long time, and he must Page 4
hurry up and write me. Tell Fan I am looking out for the letter, she promised to write me, and since Mary and Lilly have left, Harlo[w] 3 visits her & Mary every night or two. Give my love to all the children, and ask Neddie if he has written an other composition on "Early Rising" lately? When will Miss Cartie be married or has married already? I hope Pa finds ready sales for his goods, but they will be much higher, as the running the blockade has been partially stopped by Congress. Give my respects to the Dr when you write him. Tell Pa I have not seen the "Confederate" yet and have not heard of my money, as I suppose Mat Ramsey took it, Give my love to all at the "Cottage" and write soon to Your affect Bro
Henry. A. London, Jr



Endnotes:



1. Henry Armand London Papers, SHC.London's diary indicates that he sent letters to "Miss Lilla London," the only correspondent listed who might be addressed as "My Dear Lil." She was Henry's sister.




2. St. Mary's College, an Episcopal school for women in Raleigh, NC, was founded in 1842.




3. London wrote w on top of e at the end of the word