Civil War History - General DiscussionFor Discussions on Civil War Era Personalities, Politics, Issues, Campaigns, Battles, and more. Serious Civil War Discussions Only Please! All other posts will be deleted.
The problem is Beowulf, as it continues to be, you consider this personal, somehow.
You serve a useful purpose here. You are a warning that even though it is in a book or on the internet doesn't mean what is printed or posted here or there is the truth. It's too easy to just read a book one likes and just go with the flow.
That is something each and every person must find out for themselves, even if it takes a little effort and a little sweat.
Right on being disrespectful and nasty, gentlemen. Ain't no way I can correct others' comments and leave yours. And it doesn't help to chop at a post when it has already been copied and replied to. Then I've got to consider chopping two. Depending how long it takes me to get through the posts (I read every new post in every thread in every forum.), I rarely get to catch a fresh one.
I don't like to move threads -- too many thoughtful posts consigned to oblivion that way. My chosen method is the edit and the PM. But I'm getting ready to move this one and start another on Reconstruction. I really did want to read the serious contributions of the membership.
ole
__________________ I never knew a man who wished to be himself a slave. Consider if you know any good thing that no man desires for himself. A. Lincoln
Official Records of the Rebellion on "Reconstruction"
Dear List Members,
First, I will apologize ahead of time as these 'snips' from the Official Records of the Rebellion on the topic of reconstruction, I do find interesting; as it's language of 'reconstruction' started to appear in 1863. Mid-Civil War.
There will be many cut and pastes of parts of the official records--I encourage people if I do not have it 'in entire' form; I will note 'excerpt' otherwise it is 'in whole.'
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O.R.--SERIES III--VOLUME III [S# 124] CORRESPONDENCE, ORDERS, REPORTS, AND RETURNS OF THE UNION AUTHORITIES FROM JANUARY 1 TO DECEMBER 31, 1863.(*)--# 45 MESSAGE.
DECEMBER 8,1863.
Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: Excerpt-->
Looking now to the present and future, and with reference to a resumption' of the national authority within the States wherein that authority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue a proclamation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted.(*) On examination of this proclamation it will appear, as is believed, that nothing is attempted beyond what is amply justified by the Constitution. True, the form of an oath is given, but no man is coerced to take it. The man is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily takes the oath. The Constitution authorizes the Executive to grant or withhold the pardon at his own absolute discretion; and this includes the power to grant on terms, as is fully established by judicial and other authorities.
It is also proffered that if in any of the States named a State government shall be, in the mode prescribed, set up, such government shall be recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and that under it the State shall, on the constitutional condition, be protected against invasion and domestic violence. The constitutional obligation of the United States to guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form of government, and to protect the State, in the cases stated, is explicit and full. But why tender the benefits of this provision only to a State government set up in this particular way? This section of the Constitution contemplates a case wherein the element within a State, favorable to republican government, in the Union, may be too feeble for an opposite and hostile element external to or even within the State; and-such are precisely the cases with which we are now dealing.
An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State government, constructed in whole or in preponderating part from the very element against whose hostility and violence it is to be protected, is simply absurd. There must be a test by which to separate the opposing elements, so as to build only from the sound; and that test is a sufficiently liberal one, which accepts as sound whoever will make a sworn recantation of his former unsoundness.
But if it be proper to require, as a test of admission to the political body, an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and to the Union under it, why also to the laws and proclamations in regard to slavery? Those laws and proclamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion. To give them their fullest effect there had to be a pledge for their maintenance. In my judgment, they have aided and will further aid the cause for which they were intended. To now abandon them would «73 R R--SERIES III, VOL III» <ar124_1154> be not only to relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach of faith. I may add at this point, that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation or by any of the acts of Congress. For these and other reasons it is thought best that support of these measures shall be included in the oath, and it is believed the Executive may lawfully claim it in return for pardon and restoration of forfeited rights, which he has clear constitutional power to withhold altogether, or grant upon the terms which he shall deem wisest for the public interest. It should be observed, also, that this part of the oath is subject to the modifying and abrogating power of legislation and supreme judicial decision.
The proposed acquiescence of the national Executive in any reasonable temporary State arrangement for the freed people is made with the view of possibly modifying the confusion and destitution which must, at best, attend all classes by a total revolution of labor throughout whole States. It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people in those States may be somewhat more ready to give up the cause of their affliction, if, to this extent, this vital matter be left to themselves, while no power of the national Executive to prevent an abuse is abridged by the proposition.
The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the political framework of the States on what is called reconstruction, is made in the hope that it may do good without danger of harm. It will save labor and avoid great confusion.
But why any proclamation now upon this subject? This question is beset with the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long or be taken too soon. In some States the elements for resumption seem ready for action, but remain inactive apparently for want of a rallying point--a plan of action. Why shall A adopt the plan of B, rather than B that of A? And if A and B should agree, how can they know but that the General Government here will reject their plan? By the proclamation a plan is presented which may be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which they are assured in advance will not be rejected here. This may bring them to act sooner than they otherwise would.
The objections to a premature presentation of a plan by the national Executive consists in the danger of committals on points which could be more safely left to further developments. Care has been taken to so shape the document as to avoid embarrassments from this source. Saying that, on certain terms certain classes will be pardoned, with rights restored, it is not said that other classes or other terms will never be included. Saying that reconstruction will be accepted if presented in a specified way, it is not said it will never be accepted in any other way.
The movements, by State action, for emancipation in several of the States not included in the emancipation proclamation, are matters of profound gratulation. And while I do not repeat in detail what I have heretofore so earnestly urged upon this subject, my general views and feelings remain unchanged; and I trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of aiding these important steps to a great consummation.
In the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose sight of the fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To that power alone can we look yet for a time to give confidence to the people in the contested regions that the insurgent power will not <ar124_1155> again overrun them. Until that confidence shall be established little can be done anywhere for what is called reconstruction. Hence our chiefest care must still be directed to the Army and Navy, who have thus far borne their harder part so nobly and well. And it may be esteemed fortunate that in giving the greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms, we do also honorably recognize the gallant men, from commander to sentinel, who compose them, and to whom, more than to others, the world must stand indebted for the home of freedom disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged, and perpetuated.(*) ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
CORRESPONDENCE, ORDERS, AND RETURNS RELATING SPECIALLY TO OPERATIONS IN NORTH CAROLINA AND SOUTHEASTERN VIRGINIA FROM AUGUST 20, 1862, TO JUNE 3, 1863.
CONFEDERATE CORRESPONDENCE. ETC.--#13
GOLDSBOROUGH, N.C., May 9, 1863.
Hon. JAMES A. SEDDON, Secretary of War, C. S. A. :
Your letter and order in regard to deserters has been received.(*)Desertion is alarmingly on the increase in my own command. <ar26_1053>
There is a powerful faction in the State poisoning public sentiment and looking to a reconstruction. The soldiers are induced by these traitors to believe that this is an unjust war on the part of the South and that their State soldiers and citizens have been slighted and wronged by the Confederate States Government.
Unless the Government will boldly take this matter in hand and arrest the editors and speakers who are daily uttering treason, the crime of desertion will go on, and I fear that there will be thousands in armed resistance to the Government. The teaching of one paper in this State is treasonable in the highest degree, and the editor certainly is a tory at heart and almost openly.
Respectfully, D. H. HILL,
Major-General.
Indorsement.]
MAY 10,1863.
SECRETARY OF WAR: It might be well to correspond with the Governor of North Carolina in relation to the subject matter of the within. J.D.
Correspondence, Orders, And Returns Relating To Operations In Missouri, Arkansas, Kansas, The Indian Territory, And Department Of The Northwest, From January 1 To December 31, 1863. UNION CORRESPONDENCE, ETC.--#27
HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE TENNESSEE,
Iuka, Miss., October 24, 1863.
Maj. Gen. FRED. STEELE, Commanding Little Rock: DEAR GENERAL: I have this moment a letter from General Grant, at Louisville, en route to Chattanooga, giving me many orders and instructions, among which is the following: Communicate with General Steele, and urge the necessity of his sending you [me] the division of Kimball, of the Sixteenth Army Corps. The fact is, an immense concentration of the enemy in front of Chattanooga forces the Government to counteract the danger by abandoning all minor matters and stripping all points not absolutely necessary to cover this great center of the war. I know my mere enunciation of the proposition in General Grant's language, which I have quoted above, is as strong as I can put the case. I am utterly ignorant of the state of facts, and of the condition of things «43 R R--VOL XXII, PT II» <ar33_674> with you, and therefore make the request that you send Kimball's division to Memphis by land, using the railroad to Devall's Bluff as auxiliary, so that these troops may reach the river at as early a day as practicable, for I may be compelled to strip this country too much on the faith that this division is to rejoin its proper corps. I have watched your progress with great interest, and really congratulate you on the marked success. I have no doubt you have made more progress in Arkansas toward a reconstruction of Government than we have in any part of the country east of the Mississippi. General Blair is with me, but at this moment is toward Tuscumbia. As ever, your friend, W. T. SHERMAN,
No. 1.--Reports of Maj. Gen. William T. Sherman, U. S. Army, commanding Union forces, including operations since June 22.
-----
[JULY 20,1863.]
General Parke started in with two divisions this morning. General Ord will move to-morrow, and I will follow only when order and system are restored to this distracted country. The people are subdued, and ask for reconstruction. They admit the loss of the Southern cause. Expedition from Canton and beyond is back, having done their task well, whipping Jackson's cavalry at Canton. The cavalry is also in from Brookhaven; burned four locomotives and many cars, depots, tanks, bridges, &c., so there is a break of 100 miles in the Great Central road. Steele was at Brandon last night.
---------- The drought is terrible, and must tell terribly on the enemy, retreating fast to the east through a parched and desert country. Our march back will be slow and easy, regulated by water. W. T. SHERMAN,
HDQRS. FIFTH MIL. DIST., DEPT. MISS. AND E. LA., Grenada, July 29, 1863.
Col. B. S. EWELL, Asst. Adjt. Gen., Dept. of the West:
COLONEL: I regret to say that I am informed that there is some disaffection among the people in the northern part of this State, and that a few persons are openly advocating the policy of reconstruction. Is it advisable to attempt to suppress such expressions of sentiment; and, if so, what course shall I pursue toward persons who are guilty of using them?(*)
I am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JAMES R. CHALMERS.
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HEADQUARTERS, Morton, Miss., August 9, 1863.
Brigadier-General CHALMERS, Panola, Miss.: I am instructed by General Johnston to direct you to arrest all disaffected persons in your district who are openly advocating the policy of reconstruction.(*) By command of General Johnston: T. B. LAMAR, Assistant Adjutant-General. --------------------------------------------------
O.R.-- SERIES I--VOLUME XXVI/1 [S# 41]
Correspondence, Orders, And Returns Relating To Operations In West Florida, South Alabama, South Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, And New Mexico, From May 14 To December 31, 1863.
UNION CORRESPONDENCE, ETC.--#11
HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,
Washington. September 28, 1863.
Memoranda for Generals Banks, Grant, and Steele.
The rebel Secretary of War directs General Kirby Smith to break up all plantations within 8 on 10 miles of the Mississippi River, on west side, remove the negroes, and remove or destroy the cotton. He is also directed to organize batteries of artillery to operate on that shore <ar41_740> and fire upon river boats. One object in breaking up the plantations is to prevent our receiving any information of rebel movements.
All persons in the Trans-Mississippi District who manifest any desire for reconstruction of the Union are to be severely punished. Funds are to be sent via Havana and Matamoras, and thence to Arkansas, under military escort furnished by General Magruder. A million of dollars have been sent to Shreveport, La., and more will be forwarded across the Mississippi, as opportunities may occur. The Postmaster. General establishes Shreveport and Camden as general mail depots west of the Mississippi, to and from which points the mails are to be sent across the river, as opportunities occur. There are extensive powder mills at Arkadelphia, Ark. Niter beds and iron mines are to be extensively worked in Texas. Niter is scarce, but no complaints about sulphur. Iron for railroads and machinery scarce. All iron and iron mines and works to be hired, purchased, or impressed for the Government. Arms scarce in Arkansas. lt is said that the fall of Vicksburg and Port Hudson has been favorable to the rebel cause by the reaction of public feeling and a determination to avenge the loss. The rebel ranks are filling up much more rapidly than before.
Indorsement.}
The foregoing memoranda are taker, from intercepted official rebel dispatches, dated from August 1 to 18, 1863. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. W. HALLECK,
Major-General, Commanding.
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O.R.-- SERIES I--VOLUME XXVIII/2 [S# 47]
Correspondence, Orders, And Returns Relating To Operations On The Coasts Of South Carolina And Georgia, And In Middle And East Florida, From June 12 To December 31, 1863.
CONFEDERATE CORRESPONDENCE, ETC.--#6
CHARLESTON, S.C., August 17, 1863.
Hon. JOHN SLIDELL,
C. S. Commissioner, Paris, France:
DEAR SIR: I take advantage of a lull in the terrible bombardment, which has been progressing ever since this morning, to write you a few lines via Wilmington, Mr. Seixas having telegraphed me there would be an opportunity to send off my letter in a day or two. The enemy commenced his operations against this city on the 10th of July, but has not yet accomplished much. He has not yet, however, put forward all his strength. Whether we will again be able to defeat him is still a mystery. He has immense advantages over us in the way of numbers, ordnance means, and materials, but the race is not always to the swiftest and victory to the strongest. As it is evidently to the interest of England that we should mutually destroy each other, and the policy of the European powers that the Union should never be reconstructed, is it not then our true policy to take advantage of our late reverses to speak out boldly and fearlessly to France, England, and Spain, and to inform them that unless we are immediately recognized we shall take steps to put an end to this exhausting struggle, and reassert at once the Monroe doctrine, and in the course of time proclaim the independence of the Canadas and of Cuba. All of which we shall be able to effect when once reunited. Nations, like individuals, are only influenced by their own interests. Hence let us shape our course accordingly. Not that I am, however, in favor of reconstruction. I would sooner die!(*)
* * * * * * * * * *
Your sincere friend, GUSTAVE. P. S.--The enemy got a foothold on Morris Island on the 10th ultimo, in consequence of nearly half of the troops of this military department having been sent west to the assistance of Vicksburg, contrary to the protest of General Beauregard, who maintained that <ar47_289> Charleston would still be attacked. We now see the consequences of that ill-fated order. Neither would the inhabitants furnish any labor for the fortifications of that island and other points, when called upon, several months before.
Correspondence, Orders, And Returns Relating To Operations On The Coasts Of South Carolina And Georgia, And In Middle And East Florida, From June 12 To December 31, 1863.
CONFEDERATE CORRESPONDENCE, ETC.--#13
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, Tallahassee, Fla., October 15, 1863.
General G. T. BEAUREGARD, Charleston, S.C.:
GENERAL: The sinking of a ferry-boat at Bellevue stopped all mail communication across the Chattahoochee River, and prevented <ar47_452> me from making known to you by letter the reasons why Moccasin Creek should not be stopped, and why the communication with the city of Apalachicola should be kept open. If stopped, it will expose to famine nearly 500 loyal citizens who are now suffering for bread. The stopping of the creek or of communication with Apalachicola will afford to Columbus very slight, if any, means of defense, and to this State none whatever.
If disposed to do so, the enemy can, with a small force, by an attack in the rear, capture the batteries and remove the obstructions. Again, they can now land at Fort Gadsden, without opposition, any force that suits their convenience. Once landed, the whole country on the east bank of the river is open to them, with a straight march to Quincy or to Chattahoochee, leaving the obstructions and its batteries miles to the left, or a march upon Tallahassee. Again, the batteries, as now located, are liable to be attacked in the rear through sloughs or creeks on either side of the river, as the enemy may elect, and the mouths of these sloughs or creeks are miles below the obstructions and batteries, but above Fort Gadsden.
If Apalachicola is not occupied by our forces, the enemy (as before observed) may at any moment occupy Fort Gadsden and fortify it., as well as Apalachicola, in which event thousands of deserters, tories, and negroes would flock to their standard.
A very large proportion, if not a majority, of the citizens left in West Florida are represented to be disloyal--at all events, advocate reconstruction--and have threatened to raise the United States flag in Marianna, and, perhaps, have only been restrained by the presence of the military force (which is now small) in West Florida. In that portion of the State there are large numbers of deserters from other States, as well as from this. Should the enemy occupy Apalachicola, I do not hesitate to express the opinion that, cooperating with tories and deserters and the negroes that would go to them, they would not require a large force to lay waste, if not subjugate and occupy, all of Florida west of the Apalachicola River, to acquire a large amount of property, and liberate thousands of slaves, and secure subsistence to successfully advance upon Columbus, in Georgia, or Montgomery, in Alabama; or, if they occupy Fort Gadsden, then from that direction send forth destructive raids into the rich and thickly settled portions of Middle Florida and Southwestern Georgia, or threaten the capital of the State, or even Columbus, Ga., should they choose the route up the east bank of the Apalachicola and Chattahoochee Rivers.
Where the guns are now in position they are of little avail and ought at once to be moved to Fort Gadsden, whether Apalachicola is occupied or not, and the river above Fort Gadsden (or rather Moccasin Creek) be left open so as readily to subsist the garrison at that place. Fort Gadsden is the key to the whole country, and there the contest must take place, if ever. If it falls, the works above will be but cobwebs in the path of the enemy.
Moreover, all officers Who have investigated and expressed an opinion upon the subject agree that, with the Saint Mark's River obstructed, a more successful defense can be made at Apalachicola City than at any point on the banks of the river. The situation is healthy and easily defended. The forces which have occupied positions on the banks of the river and suffered severely from sickness, and consequently have been rendered unfit for service, could have defended Apalachicola with the expenditure of half the labor and expense, <ar47_453> which have been unwisely spent in obstructing the river and building batteries on its banks.
Satisfied of the necessity and propriety of occupying the city with Confederate troops, arrangements have been in progress to do so. The principal hindrance has been the want of guns, which can now be obtained, as you will perceive by reference to the letter of President Davis of the 25th of September, herewith submitted, in connection with a correspondence upon the subject between General Cobb, the President, and myself.
I also send by the bearer of this letter a petition sent to me by loyal citizens of Apalachicola and bearing upon this subject, and to which I call your particular attention. After examination, I will thank you to return it by the bearer.
I have the honor to be, general, respectfully, JOHN MILTON,
Governor of Florida.
-------------------
O.R.-- SERIES I--VOLUME XXX/3 [S# 52] CORRESPONDENCE, ORDERS, AND RETURNS RELATING TO OPERATIONS IN KENTUCKY, SOUTHWEST VIRGINIA, TENNESSEE, MISSISSIPPI, NORTH ALABAMA, AND NORTH GEORGIA, FROM AUGUST 11, 1863, TO OCTOBER 19, 1863.--UNION CORRESPONDENCE, ETC.(*)--#37 Memoranda. Rebel Secretary of War directs General Kirby Smith to break up all plantations within 8 or 10 miles of the Mississippi River on west <ar52_909> side, remove the negroes, and remove or destroy the cotton. He is also directed to organize batteries of artillery to operate on that shore, and fire upon river boats. One object in breaking up the plantations is to prevent our receiving any information of rebel movements. All persons in the Trans-Mississippi District who manifest any desire for reconstruction of the Union are to be severely punished. Funds are to be sent via Havana and Matamoras, and thence to Arkansas, under military escort furnished by General Magruder. A million of dollars have been sent to Shreveport, La., and more will be forwarded across the Mississippi as opportunities may occur. The Postmaster-General establishes Shreveport and Camden as general mail depots west of the Mississippi, to and from which points the mails are to be sent across the river as opportunities occur. There are extensive powder-mills at Arkadelphia, Ark. Niter beds and iron mines are to be extensively worked in Texas. Niter is scarce, but no complaints about sulphur. Iron for railroads and machinery scarce. All iron and iron mines and works to be hired, purchased, or impressed for the Government. Arms scarce in Arkansas. It is said that the fall of Vicksburg and Port Hudson has been favorable to the rebel cause by the reaction of public feeling and a determination to avenge the loss. The rebel ranks are filling up much more rapidly than before. [Indorsement.]
[Indorsement.]
HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, Washington, September 28, 1863.
Major-General GRANT, Comdg., &c., Vicksburg, Miss.:
The foregoing memoranda are taken from intercepted official rebel dispatches dated from August 1 to August 18, 1863.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. W. HALLECK,
No. 1.--Report of Maj. Gen. Quincy A. Gillmore, U. S. Army, commanding Department of the South.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, January 13, 1864.
Major-General GILLMORE: I understand an effort is being made by some worthy gentlemen to reconstruct a loyal State government in Florida. Florida is in your department, and it is not unlikely that you may be there in person. I have given Mr. Hay a commission of major and sent him to you with some blank books and other blanks to aid in the reconstruction. He will explain as to the manner of using the blanks, and also my general views on the subject. It is desirable for all to co-operate; but if irreconcilable differences of opinion shall arise, you are master. I wish the thing done in the most speedy way possible, so that when done it will be within the range of the late proclamation on the subject. The detail labor, of course, will have to be done by others, but I shall be greatly obliged if you will give it such general supervision as you can find convenient with your more strictly military duties. Yours, very truly, A. LINCOLN. -
HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF FLORIDA, Jacksonville, Fla., August 17, 1864.
Maj. Gen. J. G. FOSTER, Commanding Department of the South:
GENERAL: Your instructions to send up a regiment immediately for the north will be carried out as soon as they can possibly be spared. I propose sending the One hundred and fourth [Pennsylvania] Regiment, which has but a short time to serve. I cannot get them off until the expedition gets in, say on Sunday next. I go to-morrow with four companies of that regiment to Palatka to await the arrival of the cavalry portion of the scout. To bring down the contrabands, &c., I take with me all the steamers we have here, and detain the Island City for the same purpose. If no steamer has been sent to take up the regiment. I would suggest that the Delaware or Canonicus come down for that purpose. The Houghton was formerly assigned to this district. Can the Island City be sent to me to remain permanently? She would be a very useful boat, as it is very easy to land cavalry from her. We must make up for want of cavalry with steamers, which can land them at different points on the river. The prospect for a Florida regiment appears good.
If you could get about 10,000 of the 100-days' men to garrison the Islands you have enough old troops to completely take possession of <ar66_246> this State and to destroy the railroad to Savannah. That road once destroyed, I think the State would return to its allegiance. I have directed Mr. Yulee to be arrested and brought here if possible. He is one of those beyond the pale of proclamation, but is said to be hostile to Davis, and might be induced to head a movement for a reconstruction if the President would pardon him. I thought it worth trying for. Refugees continue to flock in. We will soon have a large portion of the people of Florida east of the Saint John's River.
Respectfully, your obedient servant, JNO. P. HATCH,
Brigadier-General, Commanding.
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O.R.--SERIES I--VOLUME XLV/2 [S# 94] CONFEDERATE CORRESPONDENCE, ORDERS, AND RETURNS RELATING TO OPERATIONS IN KENTUCKY, SOUTHWEST VIRGINIA, TENNESSEE, MISSISSIPPI, ALABAMA, AND NORTH GEORGIA, FROM DECEMBER 1, 1864, TO JANUARY 23, 1865.--#7
MONTGOMERY, January 14, 1865.
Hon. JEFF. DAVIS: DEAR SIR: Although I am aware of the great press of official business daily presenting itself, and, above all, your constant thought for the welfare of our country, yet I thought I would write a line, though done with some pain, owing to a slight injury to my right hand, and speak of the condition of things in this section. Though not as favorable as they have been, yet they may be a great deal worse; but come what may, there is yet a determination on the part of [the] majority of our people to continue firm and to use all our resources to conquer or die. I regret to say, however, that since Sherman's raid through Georgia and the possession of Savannah, together with the falling back of Hood's army, some are disposed to despair of our cause. It is true the present is not encouraging as the past, but we must expect reverses. Our resources are yet sufficient, if properly applied, to gain our independence, and without it we must not stop. Reconstruction is subjugation. Many now think that you were right in recommending the placing in the service the able-bodied negroes in the field. Better to drill them to fight for us than to fight against us, which they will be made to do if taken by the enemy. The removal of Johnston whilst at Atlanta was not well received at first, but our people, having such confidence in you, complained but little; but now that Hood has been tried, and by many believed incompetent in so important a position and somehow exerts but little moral influence on his men, the opinion and feeling among our people and with those now returning from Tennessee is that it would produce a happy influence if General Johnston could be returned to the command of the army. Whilst none question your ability to decide or your self-sacrificing spirit for the good of our country, I will candidly state that the return of Johnston at this time would have a better influence than anything that could be done. I hope it may be done. The complaint yet exists, and not without cause, that too many hearty young men occupy places in this section that could be filled by others not able to perform the duty of a soldier. If General Bragg, or some other competent officer, could take hold of this matter, it would be of great service. I know you will bear with me in what I have suggested, as I have no object but the good of my country. Very respectfully, yours, EDMD. HARRISON.
[Indorsement. ]
Respectfully referred, by direction of the President, to the honorable Secretary of War. BURTON N. HARRISON,
O.R.--SERIES I--VOLUME XLVII/2 [S# 99] UNION CORRESPONDENCE, ORDERS, AND RETURNS RELATING TO OPERATIONS IN NORTH CAROLINA (FROM FEBRUARY 1), SOUTH CAROLINA, SOUTHERN GEORGIA, AND EAST FLORIDA, FROM JANUARY 1, 1865, TO MARCH 23, 1865.(*)--#2
HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH, Hilton Head, S.C., January 9, 1865. (Received 15th.)
Major-General HALLECK, Chief of Staff, Armies of the United States:
GENERAL: The latest reports from deserters, refugees, flags of truce, and the rumors of the citizens of Savannah (whence I have just returned, having gone for General Sherman's mail), are to the effect that several counties of Georgia have, by meetings, declared their desire to join the Union, and forwarded copies of their proceedings to General Sherman; that one regiment of old troops, stationed at Grahamville, has thrown down its arms and returned to Georgia; that the governor of Georgia, Governor Brown, has testified his disposition to return to the Union, and that he is willing to submit the question to the vote of the people; and that the Georgia Reserves at Augusta have disbanded and gone home. There is no doubt about the holding of the Union meetings in several counties. In one of them, Thomas County, a fight took place and the Unionists whipped. The other reports are credible, but not fully confirmed. There is evidently a great struggle going on in the public sentiment of the Georgians, and the question seems to be how much they dare risk in declaring their sentiments in favor of reconstruction. Very respectfully and truly, yours, J. G. FOSTER, Major-General, Commanding
PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL.] AUGUSTA, January 20, 1865.
Hon. JEFFERSON DAVIS, President, &c., Richmond, Va.:
DEAR SIR: It gives me no pleasure to write this letter, but it is my duty, both to you and our cause, to say what I am about to say. In a former letter I expressed the opinion that the prevailing sentiment in this State would in the end become true and loyal. I regret to say that the feeling becomes worse and more disloyal every day. I am unwilling even now to write the extent of dissatisfaction which exists and is spreading every hour. It could not be worse. I meet every day the men whom I regarded as the last to yield, who come to me to represent their hopelessness and despair. I meet those whom I know to have been the warm and earnest supporters of your Administration, and find them, not in open hostility, but deeply disaffected and under the cloud which our reverses have brought upon us. Let me say to you in all candor and frankness that the opposition to your Administration has become so general that you know not whom to look upon as a friend and supporter. I tell you unpleasant truths, but you should know them, for the crisis demands that you should be honestly informed of the true state of things. Many of the causes which have produced this state of things are beyond your present control, such as the con-duet of Quartermaster's and Commissary Departments in the failure
to <ar111_394> supply them with money, and the conduct of inefficient subordinates, who have too often taken more pains to trample upon the feelings and rights of citizens than to do their duty. All this is past immediate remedy; but, Mr. President, there are things which you can do, and which I again urge and press you to do. First, respond to the urgent and overwhelming public feeling in favor of the restoration of General Johnston. I assure you that your refusal to do this is doing you more harm and producing more opposition to your Administration than you dream of. Better that you put him in command, admitting him to be as deficient in the qualities of a general as you or any one else may suppose, than to resist a public sentiment which is weakening your strength and destroying your powers of usefulness. Second, rest assured that the conscript law has done its work and you cannot maintain your army if you look to that law to furnish recruits. The law is odious and cannot be enforced in the present state of public feeling. I will not repeat what I have heretofore urged as the proper remedy, but will only say that the time is fast passing when anything can be done by volunteering.
This brings me to the main object I have in writing you at this time. By accident I have become possessed of the facts in reference to the proposed action of the Governors of certain States. You have doubtless heard something of it in connection with proposed State conventions. There is such a project under discussion. Some who started this movement are urging State conventions, that steps may be taken to take the control of affairs out of your hands. Others favor the movement because they believe it will lead to peace, and they are willing and, I believe, anxious for peace, even upon the terms of reconstruction, and in the present state of feeling, if a convention should be called in Georgia, it would be an unconditional submission concern. Whilst these opinions and views are entertained by some, perhaps many, who favor these State conventions, the movement will not be sustained to that extent, as far as I know or believe, by any State Executive. At present the Governor of this State is opposed to the call of a convention, and will continue opposed to it as long as it is his interest to be so, and no longer. Of other Governors I cannot speak, but I have no idea that any of them will now favor a convention. My opinion is that they will do this, and I communicate it that you may fully appreciate its importance. If it turns out as I expect, they will address you an earnest appeal for a change of policy on the part of the Confederate Government on the subject of the conscript laws, impressments, &c. If I have been correctly informed, their effort will be mainly directed to the point of recruiting the army, and will look to the volunteering system and the State machinery for that purpose. Whilst I have no sympathy, as you well know, with those who have made war upon your Administration, I do not hesitate to say to you that the safety of the country and success of our cause requires concession from you on these subjects. The time has come when we must do, not what we prefer, but what is best for the country, and you underestimate the danger by which we are surrounded if you attribute this perhaps unwelcome communication to any other motive than a sincere desire to
advance the cause more dear to me than life itself.
I am, with sentiments of sincere regard, very truly, yours, &c., HOWELL COBB.
[47.]
---------------------------------End of Submissions of several Official Reports-----
XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX Summary--Reconstruction of the "Old Union" was spoken about as far back as the Buchannan Administration; it fell on Lincoln's first Administration.
The reports speak for themselves. I do believe that the CSA Government was not really 'glued' as to create a 'union' to which caused fractures when the CSA as a 'whole' did not reform and change as the other states needed 'reconstruction' as to reshape in it's growth and or needs. In addition, the lack of supplies and use of force/arrest/intimidation is evident in these 'reports.'
In General Pope's correspondence; it certainly gave me a sense of the desire to let the rebel states gain their state control and independence quietly, with no fuss or bother. Lincoln's address, e.g. Dec. 8, 1863 seemingly was searching for a means of states finding their own system of state government and returning to the 'Union' on the fast track.
Just some thoughts.
Respectfully submitted for consideration,
M. E. Wolf
In General Pope's correspondence; it certainly gave me a sense of the desire to let the rebel states gain their state control and independence quietly, with no fuss or bother. Lincoln's address, e.g. Dec. 8, 1863 seemingly was searching for a means of states finding their own system of state government and returning to the 'Union' on the fast track.
Just some thoughts.
Respectfully submitted for consideration,
M. E. Wolf
Lincoln did start this rumor to 'let the South(ern Left) up easy", thereby reuniting the Cotton Whigs with the Northern Conscience Whigs. HIs idea was that the Executive Branch
could handle the patronage generated from readmission into the new empire of the Union.
Had the states been brought back in as 'captured provinces' (since no one in the Northern general government recognized a 'Confederate Government', at all), Thaddeus Stevens and Charles Sumner and those swine would have controlled the patronage coming as a result of states being let back into the Union... And no, the states were not going to be let back into the UNION THAT QUICKLY, BECAUSE if that were the case, it would nullify the effects of the war, and give the Southern Conservatives an equal chance to regain their former footing too quickly for their tastes... There might as well never have been a war, if that were to happen. Ten years would have been a minimum for the Left Wing Radical Congress to allow readmission...
Lincoln did not have ten years. He had to make his mark quick, and not allow the next president to get any of his glory in 'preserving' his idea of a consolidated Union.
You need to work one other fact into your equations...
Lincoln did not recognize the Southern split as legitimate, but moreover, he did not recognize the Conservative party which had not only formed this country, originally, as a protest to the monarchy in England, but had... until only recently... and only under him, finally... not been in some control of the general government.
His people had chafed at the Conservative take on the Constitution since the days of Adams, Hamilton and through to Henry Clay.
There are those who wish I would not combine politics with this revered era of government, and pretend that the Second Party system was simply just 'always was'...
But it shows up here, in these RECONSTRUCTION attempts; to wit, who and what is a state, really, and
what is to be done with them, now?
After the war, Dan Sickles' and company finally got 'Secession' illegalized through the Constitution. Any yankee soldier at a reenactment will tell you that 'the people needed to know that this is how it always was..."
Which is doubletalk. This simply proves that Secession was not illegal. That proves why Davis was not tried, and executed.
Reconstruction, as I have maintained, was the reformation of all the states under this Lincolnian idea of consolidation, with an unheard of amount of power and force generating from the general government. The North had gotten used to the idea under Lincoln; the rest would be 'coerced' and bayoneted back into line...
And we are all required not to notice, nor act like anything is wrong, in the "emperor's new democracy".
It was a New Birth of Freedom.
Got it?
In all of Lincoln's tiresome rhetoric in the first paragraph above, he is simply saying, "Whatever I do is okay. I am he who decides, and I am being very careful. You don't have the power to stop me. Anymore."
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